阿拉伯民族的三大特点及其对阿拉伯政治思潮的影响——以民族与宗教关系为视角的考察

宗教性、整体性、地方性构成了阿拉伯民族的三大特点,并对近代以来的阿拉伯政治思潮产生了重要影响.宗教性在伊斯兰改革主义、原教旨主义和泛伊斯兰主义中都得到了体现.在伊斯兰改革主义中体现为民族认同与宗教认同的混合;在原教旨主义和泛伊斯兰主义中体现为以宗教认同否定民族认同,但两者的政治主张又有所不同.整体性构成了泛阿拉伯民族主义的历史基础.强调民族认同高于宗教认同,对伊斯兰教既排斥限制,又加以整合与利用,构成了泛阿拉伯民族主义对待伊斯兰教的典型特征.地方性特征构成了地方民族主义产生的历史基础,地方阿拉伯民族主义主张以地方认同和国家认同为基础,建构自身的民族认同,排斥和贬低泛宗教认同,并奉行反对政教合一的世俗主义主张.     

土耳其的民族主义与现代化——论齐亚·格卡尔普"托古改制"式的民族主义

齐亚·格卡尔普是土耳其民族主义思想的集大成者.在他看来,20世纪初期土耳其的民族主义面临下列两个任务:从文化角度确定土耳其人的民族认同;把土耳其文化与西方文化相嫁接,走向现代化.格卡尔普民族主义思想的一个重要内容即通过"重构"出一个世俗的、进步的土耳其民族历史和文化传统,为土耳其学习西方、走向现代化提供历史的依据及合法性.这样一种"托古改制"式的民族主义思想,其最重要特征是把过去理想化,把走向光明的未来与回归荣耀的过去相统一.     

从经济全球化视角解读现代民族主义浪潮

经济全球化理论五六十年代源于西方，它有多种不同的解释，较为权威的是国际货币基金组织下的定义：“全球化是跨国商品与服务交易及国际资本流动规模和形式的增加，以及技术的广泛迅速传播使世界各国经济的相互依赖性增强。”①而“民族主义则是在民族形成和发展的长期历史进程中逐渐形成的，是对本民族文化、传统、利益等的认同，是一种强烈的意识形态化的民族情感，是为本民族求生存、求发展、求繁荣昌盛的集中体现”。②经济全球化强调世界的整合，其特征是开放、合作、渗透性；民族主义则认同于特定的民族或国家，它的特征是内敛、独立…     

关于苏联民族和民族主义问题的思考

俄罗斯的民族主义有着悠久的历史传统，它直接产生于俄罗斯民族的特殊发展历程，形成了与西方的民族主义不同的道路和特点，长期以来扮演着与西方文化影响相抗衡的民族精神核心内涵的角色。俄罗斯民族主义的两大支柱——弥赛亚意识和俄罗斯的特殊道路，为俄罗斯民族主义的发展奠定了不可动摇的基石。正是在弥赛亚意识和俄罗斯的特殊发展道路的相互印证、相互作用下，俄罗斯民族主义才得以产生、发展和强化，并且深刻影响着俄罗斯的发展。其中，苏联领导人对待民族问题的态度是一个不容忽视的方面。     

从阿拉伯民族主义到巴勒斯坦民族主义——20世纪上半叶巴勒斯坦地区民族主义的发展与转型

实现从阿拉伯民族主义向巴勒斯坦民族主义的缓慢转型是20世纪上半叶巴勒斯坦地区民族主义发展的典型特征。这一转型分为3个发展阶段:19世纪末至20世纪20年代,巴勒斯坦民族主义体现为泛阿拉伯民族主义与叙利亚民族主义的复合体;20世纪20年代是巴勒斯坦民族主义萌芽的时期,它逐步放弃了与叙利亚统一的目标,并召开了4次巴勒斯坦大会;20世纪30年代至第二次世界大战结束,巴勒斯坦民族主义最终形成,其突出标志是1936～1939年的反英民族大起义。巴勒斯坦民族主义的形成对于巴勒斯坦确立民族认同、进行社会动员、追求民族解放发挥了重要作用,但是巴勒斯坦民族主义的内部矛盾、民众基础薄弱、缺乏足够独立性等历史局限性也对巴勒斯坦民族独立运动产生了十分消极的影响。     

伊拉克复兴党民族主义建构进程中的特点

伊拉克复兴党民族主义在塑造伊拉克地区政治体系、区域经济结构与民族文化格局过程中起到了举足轻重的作用.伊拉克复兴党民族主义建构进程中的特点如下:肇始于东西方文明交往;追求泛阿拉伯主义;革命民族主义型的现代化;民族主义建构中的多重认同;民粹主义的结构属性.尽管复兴党政权在政治发展、经济变革和国际关系等层面都进行了调整和变革的努力,但是从理论命题的实践后果来说,离全球化发展预定的客观需求目标还很遥远.在实践层面体现为不自觉性、强迫性、先天不足的表象;而在理论层面则渗透出缺乏凝聚力、兼容力和更新机制的特征.复兴党民族主义在未来发展中当用开放的心态与其他文明思潮交往.融入全球化文明的大潮.     

海外乌克兰人的民族主义活动及其影响

一战及二战前后,移民至部分西方国家的乌克兰族人当中有相当数量的反苏联、宣扬乌克兰独立的民族主义者。他们在所在国家组织了乌克兰民族主义团体并开展活动,以期对所在国家、乌克兰及苏联施加影响,其中以美国乌克兰移民的活动最为活跃。本文重点分析了美国乌克兰族裔的民族主义活动,以及对美国社会、原苏联及乌克兰产生的影响。本文认为,民族认同往往使得境外民族主义的宣传及其他活动对多民族国家的少数民族或其部分成员有可能产生很强的影响力,日益发展的互联网以及各类现代媒体则会强化其作用。如何在这种情况下做好民族工作,是当代多民族国家必须认真面对的问题。     

由《想象的共同体》浅析缅甸民族国家构建的动因与前景

2016年8月17~21日,昂山素季以缅甸国务资政的身份访问中国。经过几十年的软禁,昂山素季重返缅甸政坛,这在某种意义上代表着民族主义浪潮中的中层知识分子,对新时期民族国家认同建构的关键性意义。本尼迪克特·安德森认为民族是"想象的共同体",他在《想象的共同体:民族主义的起源与分布》一书中阐释了民族主义建构的时代背景、发展的历史脉络以及深化的影响因素。安德森强调民族的"内核的共时性"与"发展的继承性",重视静态语言和精神建构,却在一定程度上忽视了动力因素和物质基础。本文在继承《想象的共同体》观点的基础上,以缅甸民族国家的认同建构为例,认为前殖民地的中层知识分子会成为民族国家认同建构的动力因素,缅甸的民主化改革可为《想象的共同体》的静态理论注入现实政治动因。     

阿尔及利亚民族主义道路及其发展趋势

阿尔及利亚的民族主义产生于反抗法国殖民主义的斗争,以宗教、民族和国家为认同基础的不同民族主义相互竞争,决定了以国家为中心的民族主义在斗争中的主导地位。独立后,国家民族主义构筑出空洞的民族主义外壳,国家政治经历了极为重要的转折,民族主义进入重构时期。当前,民族主义日益呈现出其实质性内容更加充实、关注的焦点由政治转向经济,以及内涵更加多元化的发展趋势。     

回归与重构：俄罗斯社会转型中的民族主义

俄罗斯民族主义的形成与发展是一个漫长的历史过程，它在俄国历史上历经三次世纪之交的社会转型的冲击。20世纪末，伴随着全球性的民族主义浪潮，俄罗斯在社会转型过程中，其“民族主义”问题再次凸显。因此，复活传统民族主义，重构民族精神以填补意识形态空白，增强民族认同成为俄罗斯在社会转型期迫切需要完成的一项重要任务。     

The Tyranny of the Majority in Bangladesh: The Case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts

This article analyzes how the construction of a national ideology in Bangladesh has been achieved through a style of majoritarianism based on “positional dominance.” This has resulted in the construction of a national identity that is based on a particular form of Bengali identity that subsumes and indeed delegitimizes other claims to identity within the state, including claims made by indigenous communities to their own distinctive, place-based identity. Although a formal peace treaty has been signed, peace remains elusive due to the cultural hegemony of Bengalis over the indigenous peoples in the name of the supremacy of the national state.     

俄罗斯民族认同中的政治文化指向

俄罗斯民族和国家形成的过程也是俄罗斯民族认同形成的过程，东正教和专制制度分别为民族认同提供了文化和政治方面的基础。在这个过程中，俄罗斯民族的思想也逐渐成熟，以东正教和专制制度思想为特征的政治文化是其中的重要内容。俄罗斯民族正是依靠这种独特的政治文化基础，形成内部自我认同，确立外部自我形象，在众多认同标准中以此为主要指向。     

Negotiating National Identity and Self-Determination in Ethnic Conflicts: The Choice Between Pluralism and Ethnic Cleansing

The contradictions of ethnonational identity, which make it a prime force in both the promotion and the destruction of human dignity and social justice, have become more pronounced with the ending of the Cold War. It is necessary to reconceptualize national identity and develop new norms for accepting a group's right to national self-determination through establishment of an independent state expressing its national identity, and even far accepting its claim to national identity itself This article proposes that (1) implementation of a group's right to self-determination cannot be left to the group alone, but must be negotiated with those who are affected by that decision, particularly minority populations; and (2) national identity itself must be negotiated — explored and discussed — with those who are affected by the group's self-definition.     

移民政治认同对国家关系的影响——以东南亚一些国家为例

本文拟用政治学理论,以冷战时期的新加坡、印尼和缅甸等国为例,从移民政治认同、移民政治认同的建构入手,探讨移民政治认同对国家关系的影响。笔者认为,移民的政治认同,如同移民的文化认同一样,如果处理得不好,不能顺着时代的发展而有所变迁,不仅会给移民的生存和发展带来困难,而且也会引起国家之间的紧张,以致国家关系的破裂。     

反西方主义:俄罗斯对西方“恐俄症”的历史回应

俄罗斯思想中的反西方主义,其对立面是俄罗斯思想中的西方主义。它缘起于19世纪30-40年代的西方派与斯拉夫派之争,主要代表是与西方派激烈辩论的斯拉夫派。反西方主义最初反对的是西方派崇尚的欧洲中心论、欧洲文明一流论、欧洲道路先进论,简言之,就是反对欧化改革、反对抛弃传统文化、反对迷恋欧洲文明。然而随着历史的发展和地缘政治格局的变化,俄罗斯民族和国家认同中的“西方”概念发生了变化,范围扩大到包括欧洲和美国在内的整个西方世界。反西方主义的内容也随之延展,从最初的"反欧洲"逐渐演变到了后来的“反欧美”,并且由思想文化领域转移到了地缘政治领域,从反欧化改革、反欧洲道路变成了反政治干涉、反经济制裁、反军事扩张、反意识形态斗争,从一种纯粹的思想争论演变成了付诸行动的政治博弈。     

Woodrow Wilson and The Birth of a Nation: American Democracy and International Relations

President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into World War One, promising to make the world safe for democracy. Advocating liberal internationalism, he called for collective security and national self-determination. He wanted democratic states to create the League of Nations as a partnership for peace in a new world order. But in his thinking and statecraft, the text of modern liberalism was intertwined with the subtext of White racism. His friendship with Thomas Dixon, Jr., and his contributions to David W. Griffith's 1915 film The Birth of a Nation revealed this nexus between liberalism and racism. His liberal civic ideals appeared quite different from the ultra racism of the film, which was based on Dixon's novels. He seemed to advocate inclusive nationalism, in contrast to its exclusive Americanism. The president's apparently universal principles, however, were still influenced by the White South's Lost Cause. His diplomacy and his legacy of Wilsonianism combined racism with liberalism. He adhered to the color line at home by promoting Jim Crow segregation in the federal government and abroad by limiting his liberal internationalism in practice. Historians and political scientists have typically identified Wilsonian diplomacy only with liberalism. To see him and his legacy in international history from a different perspective, which brings into focus the experience of people of color, it is necessary to recognize the subtext of racism in the text of Wilson's liberalism. Racism shaped his understanding of America's national identity and global mission, and thus his vision of liberal democracy and peace.     

印度尼西亚国家认同的危机与重构

一、国家认同的含义“认同”是社会研究领域最基本的概念之一 ,就是指自我具有从属于某个群体的身份。无论是对具有情感的个人 ,还是作为文化载体的群体来说 ,正是这种对身份的确认(认同)将“我者”与“他者”区别开来。这种认同最初虽然起源于物质主义的因素 ,但在后来不断演化的漫长历史中 ,却是逐渐由观念主义的因素建构出来的。认同分个人认同和集体认同。所谓国家认同 ,通俗地说 ,就是指“一个人确认自己属于哪一个国家以及这个国家究竟是怎样一个国家的心理活动” ①。所谓“这个国家究竟是怎样一个国家” ,主要指的是“我国”区别于…     

Woodrow Wilson and The Birth of a Nation: American Democracy and International Relations

President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into World War One, promising to make the world safe for democracy. Advocating liberal internationalism, he called for collective security and national self-determination. He wanted democratic states to create the League of Nations as a partnership for peace in a new world order. But in his thinking and statecraft, the text of modern liberalism was intertwined with the subtext of White racism. His friendship with Thomas Dixon, Jr., and his contributions to David W. Griffith's 1915 film The Birth of a Nation revealed this nexus between liberalism and racism. His liberal civic ideals appeared quite different from the ultra racism of the film, which was based on Dixon's novels. He seemed to advocate inclusive nationalism, in contrast to its exclusive Americanism. The president's apparently universal principles, however, were still influenced by the White South's Lost Cause. His diplomacy and his legacy of Wilsonianism combined racism with liberalism. He adhered to the color line at home by promoting Jim Crow segregation in the federal government and abroad by limiting his liberal internationalism in practice. Historians and political scientists have typically identified Wilsonian diplomacy only with liberalism. To see him and his legacy in international history from a different perspective, which brings into focus the experience of people of color, it is necessary to recognize the subtext of racism in the text of Wilson's liberalism. Racism shaped his understanding of America's national identity and global mission, and thus his vision of liberal democracy and peace.     

二战后东南亚华侨华人认同的变化

二战后,迫于国际国内大背景的压力,东南亚大多数华侨不得不自身调整,开始了自身身份认同的激烈变化。这主要体现在民族(当地)认同、文化认同与族群认同等方面。其中,民族(当地)认同是二战后东南亚华侨华人认同的最根本变化。     

Ethnicity,Colonial Legacies,and Postindependence Issues of Identity Politics in North-East India

The idea of indigenousness has been evoked to legitimize group exclusive claims including separate territories in North-East India. By analyzing experiences in Meghalaya and Manipur, the article argues that the colonial ethnic categorization that produced “ethnic conglomerates” has generated a number of problems leading to conflict in the postindependence period. First, certain composite identities have been formed by bringing together under a single umbrella a range of distinct indigenous groups' identity, often leading to the suppression of smaller identities within the larger group. Thus, the smaller groups struggle to have their own identities recognized. Furthermore, the imposed ethnic categorization has enabled the contemporary political class, which has simply perpetuated the colonial system, to use cultural identity and “indigenousness” instrumentally to their own advantage.