南海地区安全：打击海盗与反恐合作

南海地区不仅具有重要的战略地位，而且是世界上最繁忙的国际航道之一，其安全正面临着海盗与恐怖分子的威胁。随着国际海事局有关海盗定义的修订，要维护南海地区的安全仅依靠南海周边国家的力量是不够的，特别是马六甲海峡。因此，海峡沿岸国要求海峡使用国共同分摊维护安全的经费负担，并提供有关培训、设备和信息情报等援助。这种情况说明，维护南海地区安全必须由南海周边国家及南海航道使用国共同合作，只有通过密切的国际合作，才能有效地打击海盗与恐怖主义活动，真正地维护南海地区的安全。     

世界海盗活动状况与国际反海盗机制建设

海盗活动的兴衰,与特定地区或国家的政治、社会、经济和文化状况有着密切的联系.东南亚海域和北非海域一向是海盗活动的热点地区,2007年以来索马里海域的海盗活动异常猖獗,成为影响国际经济活动和国际政治的重要因素.国际社会虽然已经建立起一系列国际反海盗机制,但未能有效遏制海盗活动的蔓延.为了有效打击海盗活动,世界各国必须加强国际合作,治标与治本并重.     

中国—东盟海上航行安全法律合作的对策探讨

本文针对中国—东盟海上航行安全的法律合作,以《联合国海洋法公约》、《亚洲地区反海盗及武装劫船合作协定》为基础,阐述海盗罪的界定依据及管辖权机制的选择,根据公约与协定所存在的不足,为中国—东盟海上航行管辖权机制的建立与发展提供参考。中国—东盟海上航行安全的法律合作主要是依据洲际性法律合作机制,构建与完善地区性法律合作机制,全面拓展该机制的适用范围,通过联合护航、协助追捕海盗等方式,对东南亚海域的犯罪行为进行有力打击,确保中国—东盟的航运安全。     

马六甲海峡西段海盗活动适用于普遍管辖权

长期以来,马六甲海峡沿岸国家负责海峡航运安全管理,他们坚持对海峡内的海盗活动进行排他性管理,仅同意非沿岸国家间接参与。通过对相关统计数据与《联合国海洋法公约》等国际法律制度的详细分析,作者认为海峡西段为海盗活动重心,这一区域的海盗活动适用于普遍管辖权制度,海峡沿岸国的做法缺乏国际法依据。主要由沿岸国实施的现有反海盗制度是有效的,海盗活动猖獗的局面不大可能重现。     

中国打击海盗的回顾与存在的问题

中国打击海盗分为“反走私时期”、“反恐怖时期”、“护航时期”，随着海盗问题对中国海上战略通道安全影响程度的提高，中国加大了打击海盗的力度。中国打击海盗还存在执法机构缺乏协调、海军的远洋投放能力与后勤保障、打击海盗国际合作等问题。     

索马里海盗问题与国际社会的应对

索马里海盗是高度专业化的有组织犯罪团伙,其在西印度洋日益猖獗的抢劫活动严重威胁到国际海运安全.但是,国际反海盗机制缺乏足够的威慑力,对待索马里海盗的基本态度就是绥靖主义,在打击手段上主要依靠季风、船舶自救以及抱薪救火的赎金缴付.巨额赎金产生的"财富效应"助长了全球海盗活动的升级和蔓延,大而失当的陆地解决方案强化了海盗行为的合法性.有鉴于此,国际社会必须拓展在亚丁湾的护航范围,加大军事打击力度以便威慑和阻止海盗们发动袭击,防止索马里海盗泛滥成灾乃至严重影响国际航运业.中国是索马里海盗活动的受害国,护航编队远征亚丁湾攸关国家安全利益,参与国际合作打击索马里海盗有助于提升外交能力、再塑国家形象.     

美国海岸警卫队在南海实施随船观察员项目的可能性及法理分析

美国海岸警卫队通过随船观察员项目与全球60多个国家开展了海上执法合作。作为美国追求其自身海洋利益的重要工具，“随船观察员协议”使沿岸国向美国让渡其领海和专属经济区的部分管辖权，成为美国开展全球综合性海上执法合作的法律基础。然而该协议并未充分尊重沿岸国的主权平等，也并不适用于存在海洋权利主张重叠的争议海域。美国既非《联合国海洋法公约》的缔约国，也非南海沿岸国，若与菲律宾、越南等南海争议当事国通过签署“随船观察员协议”的方式开展联合海上执法活动，将成为南海地区和平与稳定的重大挑战。     

借海盗之尸还军国主义之魂 60年后太阳旗再飘东南亚

近几年,东南亚水域海盗事件频发,但很少有日本商船受到袭击.然而,日本一些处心积虑扩张其海上军力的右翼分子和军国主义分子,却十分看好这个"打击东南亚水域海盗的机会".他们到处宣扬,为了防止海盗,必须发展日本海军力量.更有人公开宣称,如果东南亚国家无力控制海盗的话,就不要谈论主权一类的"废话",还是赶紧让日本海军来解决问题,允许日本军舰到马六甲海峡和南中国海海域巡逻.     

要综合治理索马里海盗问题

索马里海盗问题由来已久,产生于20世纪90年代并不断发展,已成为影响国际航运安全的重大现实威胁。随着时代变迁,索马里海盗的活动呈现出新特点,主要表现为,作案次数屡创新高,在季风季节出手劫掠,海上活动范围日趋扩大,劫船方式机动灵活,以及采用高科技作案等。鉴于索马里海盗问题涉及的国家数量之多．波及范围之广,国际社会应通力合作,共同打击索马里海盗。     

索马里海盗对我国海上安全的影响

近来索马里海盗事件频发, 对亚丁湾一带海上通道的安全带来了严重威胁, 从而引 起国际社会和我国政府对海上安全通道的普遍关注。打击海盗, 护航亚丁湾, 维护世界和平, 确保 海上通道安全, 不仅是我国经济可持续发展的必要条件, 而且是我国安全战略的重要组成部分。研 究索马里海盗问题, 着眼点应是我国的海上安全利益     

Public Goods,Club Goods,and Private Interests:

Abstract

This paper sheds light on the question of how domestic elite preferences drive states’ foreign policies by studying British efforts to suppress maritime piracy in the South China Sea in the 1920s and 1930s. The archival record shows that the British conducted military interventions, which included destroying entire Chinese villages, principally to serve the private aims of London business elites. Absent these parochial interests Britain ignored pirate attacks, including attacks on British-flagged ships. This finding challenges the standard structural explanation, put forward by global public goods scholars, that powerful maritime states suppress piracy to protect universal access to the global maritime commons. It does so through a detailed examination of the principal example cited by this argument’s supporters: historical British counter-piracy efforts. Understanding why states pursue their foreign policies also provides a greater understanding of why powerful states choose to serve as global public goods providers in some instances but not in others.     

东南亚海盗问题探究

海盗问题是对当今世界安全构成重大威胁的非传统安全问题之一。东南亚海盗对我国的安全,尤其是海洋和能源安全构成了巨大的威胁和挑战。本文力图探讨东南亚海盗的历史与现状、当今东南亚海盗猖獗的主要原因以及东南亚海盗问题的影响和前景。     

Searching for Sanctuary: Government Power and the Location of Maritime Piracy

Recent systematic work on the incidence of maritime piracy shows the importance of various political, economic, and geographic correlates at the country level. Yet these correlates tell us little about the determinants of piracy location off states’ coasts, despite the fact that piracy is well known to cluster locally. Conceptualizing pirates as strategic actors who consider the risk of detection and capture, this article argues that states’ ability to project power over distance affects pirates’ decisions on where to organize and operate. As state capacity increases, piracy will locate farther away from government power centers, whereas piracy can flourish closer to state capitals in weak states that struggle to extend control over space. Using geocoded data from the International Maritime Bureau for the 1996–2013 period, results show that increases in state capacity are associated with greater median capital--piracy distances. These findings are robust to several changes in model specification. Our results have important implications for the study of piracy and crime.     

On China’s Marine Safety

The rising incidence of Somalian and Malaccan piracy has sounded an alarm bell for countries around the world. In order to ensure the safety of global shipping lanes, at least in the short term, it is necessary for countries to unite to combat these pirates. However, dealing with pirate     

Piracy,the Protection of Vital State Interests and the False Foundations of Universal Jurisdiction in International Law

It is widely asserted by courts and in legal scholarship that for hundreds of years universal jurisdiction has applied to the crime of piracy. However, the alleged historical legal foundations of universality need challenge. The central argument of this analysis is that jurisdiction over “piracy” is better understood under the protective principle, which arose out of the necessity of maritime Powers roughly between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to protect certain of their vital interests, not least their overseas trade routes and colonial trade and settlements. It follows that there is a need to re-conceptualise jurisdiction over piracy as the protection of vital State interests shared by the international community, a concept misinterpreted as universal jurisdiction.     

从协作巡逻、联合巡逻之区别看马六甲海峡航道安全合作机制

一、今年以来海盗袭击事件频发,马六甲海峡航道安全形势复杂化国际海事局指出,自海啸发生后,马六甲海峡上的海盗行动有上升趋势。其中以2005年2月28日~3月14日两周内发生的3起海盗袭击绑架事件最令人注目。2月28日,一艘马来西亚籍的运煤拖轮在马来西亚槟城港外被袭击,船长与印尼籍大副被绑架,两人在付了赎金后获释。3月12日,一艘从三马林达到巴拉望的油轮,在印尼水域被35名武装海盗袭击,海盗绑架了船长与轮机长,3月18日,在马六甲海峡被绑架的两名印尼船员安然获得释放①。3月14日,一艘日本注册的拖船“韦马太天”号遭攻击,同时掳走3名人质,…     

Somalia versus Captain ‘Hook’: assessing the EU's security actorness in countering piracy off the Horn of Africa

An internal security problem of Somalia—state failure from internal conflict resulting in increased piracy—has increasingly become an external security problem for the European Union (EU). This article contributes to analysing the role of the EU as a security actor in countering piracy off the Horn of Africa, by examining three different dimensions of the EU response to this problem: (a) the immediate EU response (the EU military mission EUNAVFOR Atalanta); (b) the medium-term EU response (the Critical Maritime Routes (CMR) programme launched by the European Commission); and (c) the long-term EU response (development and security assistance). This article concludes that the EU has been very active in addressing piracy through its naval task-force to protect maritime transport in the western Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden, as well as its efforts to enhance regional counter-piracy capacities and thematic and geographical financial instruments. The EU thus has taken up the fight against ‘Captain Hook’.     

Petro-Piracy: Oil and Troubled Waters

West Africa piracy is the most profitable in the world. Well-organized gangs steal refined oil in contrast to Somali pirates who hold crews and ships for ransom. Like piracy elsewhere, the origins and potential solutions to West African piracy are found ashore—largely in Nigeria. This article argues that oil states in the developing world are shielded from the domestic and international pressures that can bring down their non-oil neighbors. The current international system which makes international recognition, not internal legitimacy or functionality, the key to state authority works to their benefit. It encourages those parts which are valuable to industrialized powers—and to the domestic elites who facilitate and benefit from international legitimization—to function well enough for resource extraction to continue. The security of the state generally matters less than the security of key enclaves— including ships and offshore platforms—which support elite interests.     

印度洋安全治理制度的发展变迁与重构

21世纪以来,印度洋安全治理制度进入了一个新发展阶段,在此过程中,既创建了新的制度,也有一些旧的制度被改建或者重建。例如,在海盗问题治理领域,就形成了一系列"多层次、多主体"的新制度安排。尽管这些层次不同、范围各异的制度安排大多是非正式的,但新制度安排的出现在某种程度上反映了印度洋安全治理方式的演变。印度洋安全治理制度的发展变迁受到多重因素驱动,包括外部环境变迁、制度学习和不同制度间的竞争、重要的利益攸关国家对制度建设的重视与推动以及非国家行为体积极参与相关治理实践等。由于各种原因,目前制度发展依然面临诸多困境。未来,相关治理主体在制度发展与重构过程中应该继续发挥能动性,在参与治理实践过程中从观念层面和具体操作层面不断推动制度优化发展。