战后澳大利亚人口迁移述评

澳大利亚是一个移民国家,战后在国际人口大规模的流动之下,澳大利亚迎来了移民的又一个高峰期。本文试图在了解战前澳大利亚移民状况的前提下,重点分析战后移民的情况,从而得出在"多元文化"政策下,澳大利亚所提供的好的政治环境、自然环境、教育环境、医疗卫生设施等将迎来更多的移民的结论。     

新西兰的移民及移民政策

新西兰是南太平洋上一个发达的移民国家.目前,新西兰的移民政策与美国、加拿大、澳大利亚相比比较宽松,它不仅吸纳家属移民、难民移民,而且更欢迎技术移民和投资移民.     

20世纪70年代以来澳大利亚技术移民政策的演变及其对华人新移民的影响

澳大利亚是一个移民国家,移民政策是澳大利亚的基本国策之一。它既是现代澳大利亚政治与法律体系的一个重要内容,也是其社会运行机制的重要组成部分,而技术移民在其移民法中占有重要地位。20世纪     

加强大洋洲、南太平洋地区华侨华人问题研究的新思考

在全球化和国际移民潮的影响下,大洋洲、南太平洋地区逐渐成为改革开放后中国大陆居民主要的移民选择地之一.本文认为当前应加强对这一地区的华侨华人问题的深入研究,拓展新的研究区域.主要原因在于:1.大洋洲、南太平洋地区在亚太地区的经济与政治地位日益重要.2.这一地区和中国的关系日益密切.3.维护国家安全和祖国统一的迫切需要.同时,要注重研究大洋洲主要国家澳大利亚移民政策的变化,要关注和研究留学生问题,这是深入探讨当代华侨华人问题和服务国家侨务政策、人口政策与留学政策的需要.     

撩开神秘的面纱——评《东南亚妇女》

由广西社会科学院东南亚所孙小迎、张宁、胡彩芬、傅慧明、罗梅5位妇女学者编著,广西人民出版社出版的《东南亚妇女》一书,是广西5位女学者献给今年9月在北京召开的第四次世界妇女代表大会的一份别致礼物,也是我国第一部论述东南亚妇女问题的专著。在我国,妇女学研究文献众多,论述妇女问题的专著不少,但由中国女学者对世界特定地区的妇女现状进行研究的著作目前尚不多见,这不能不感谢作者的开拓胆识与出版者的服务精神。在我看来,《东南亚妇女》一书有自     

中俄混血人的产生及其发展的主要历史阶段——文献与田野资料并重

中俄混血人是指中国人与俄罗斯人通婚的后代，其历史最早可以追溯到清康熙年问。作为一个独立的族群，中俄混血人目前有数万人，主要分布在中国、俄罗斯和澳大利亚等国家。关于中俄混血人的历史，主要涉及三个问题：第一个问题是中俄混血人是如何产生的；第二个问题是中俄混血人的跨国移民问题；第三个问题是中俄混血人民族成分的确定和更改问题。     

美国非法移民的现状与特点

当今世界是一个高度全球化的时代,其中一个重要特征就是人口的跨境流动性更强,“在当今日益联通的世界,国际移民已经是一个事实,它几乎触及到全球的所有角落……”.①联合国经济和社会事务部发布的报告显示,2015年国际移民人数激增至2.44亿人,比2000年多出逾40％,占全球人口的3.3％.②实际上,在20世纪末21世纪初,西方便有学者指出,我们已经进入“移民时代”(Age of Migration).③与此同时,国际非法移民问题也变得日益严峻,构成了冷战后非传统安全的一个重要组成部分,成为困扰世界主要国家的“顽疾”.然而,非法移民是一个非常特殊的群体,主要表现在它具有高度秘密性、极强流动性与灵活性等特点,这使得国际社会对非法移民的认识存在不足.认识问题是解决问题的前提与基础.本文以美国非法移民为研究对象,主要从数量、分布、来源以及家庭结构、教育程度、职业取向等方面进行分析,其目的一方面在于探讨美国非法移民的当前状况及其基本特点,另一方面也希望对非法移民研究范式的探索起到一定的抛砖引玉之功.④     

全球化进程中的澳大利亚民族文化问题探讨

作为亚太地区一个重要的国家,澳大利亚因其丰富的资源和重要的战略地位受到了越来越多的关注。二战以来,随着全球化进程加快所带来的跨国移民趋势加强和经济区域化发展,促进了澳大利亚的民族文化由"单一的盎格鲁—凯尔特文化"向"多样性文化"的转变。这一转变一方面加快了澳大利亚政府积极构建多元化社会的步伐,另一方面使澳大利亚对自身的国家身份和归属进行重新定位。本文主要关注在全球化进程中澳大利亚民族特性的转变,并进一步分析这一转变对重新定位澳大利亚国家身份和归属的影响。     

国内关于二战时期澳大利亚外交研究综述

在第二次世界大战时期，澳大利亚从国家利益和国家安全考虑，加入反法西斯国家阵营并担当西南太平洋地区抗击日本法西斯的主力。我国关于二战时期的历史的研究可谓汗牛充栋，长篇累牍，但由于澳洲地理位置偏僻，国际影响较小，有重要地位的澳大利亚外交却长期以来不为学术界重视。我国最早注意到此问题的是金仲华，     

亚太妇女跨国迁移及其性产业与公共治理——菲律宾NGO的社会行动探析

20世纪90年代以来,亚太地区的人口迁移与性产业相互推动,促使越来越多的女性移民卷入性产业。如今,性产业的蔓延与繁荣已经成为亚太地区社会经济发展面临的一个严重问题,引起各国政府与相关非政府组织的极大关注。因此,治理性产业的法律与公共政策也成为亚太地区国家与公民社会讨论的重要内容。本文以菲律宾妇女海外性工作者与菲律宾NGO的社会行动为例,探讨发展中国家的妇女移民在跨国迁移中的角色、地位与社会、性别危机,以及公民社会参与性产业的社会治理行动与策略。     

Influence Without Power: Middle Powers and Arms Control Diplomacy During the Cold War

This article examines the evolution of middle power diplomacy on arms control during the Cold War. It argues that despite several attempts to influence major arms control negotiations, the structural constraints imposed by strict bipolarity—particularly during the early stages of the Cold War—limited the room for diplomatic manoeuvre by the small and medium-sized states. Factors such as the geographical voting groups within the United Nations system and the self-imposed discipline within traditional alliance structures typically restricted middle power initiatives on the important questions of international security such as arms control. Nonetheless, a number of efforts were made by leading middle powers such as Australia and Canada to progress the cause of arms control and significant policy ideas were at least canvassed during this time. The historical evidence shows that the middle powers were not innocent bystanders in the Cold War arms control debates, but whatever influence they had was ultimately subordinate to the overwhelming structural power of Washington and Moscow.     

Veil and four walls: a state of terror in Pakistan 1

The understanding of terrorism should be expanded to encompass the types of violence most often experienced by women, such as rape. Pakistani men, soldiers and civilians have used rape as a strategy of terrorism against Pakistan's women, particularly those who dare to transgress existing social hierarchies or who belong to stigmatized social groups. Moreover, the complex and sometimes contradictory set of criminal, Islamic, and tribal laws on rape and ‘honour killings’ give women little recourse against gender violence and even permit their re-victimization.     

澳大利亚的对华对冲战略（英文）

As an influential middle power in the Asia-Pacific region, Australia feels ambivalence toward the intensified competition between China and the US. To maximize its national interests, Australia has adopted a "hedging strategy" towards China, the impact of which on the bilateral relationship is of profound concern.     

Networks,support groups,and domestic violence

This article discusses recent preliminary research findings on domestic violence against women in Calcutta, India, during 1994-95 and other evidence from around the world. The Beijing Conference on Women affirmed that physical, sexual, and psychological abuse of women occurs regardless of income, class, or culture. The author found from interviews with 47 abused Indian women from a mixture of backgrounds that middle-class women were the most private and difficult to interview. Findings from interviews suggest that women can resist or challenge the abuse by men, and resolution is the end to abuse. The research aimed to identify factors that enhanced resistance and resolution. Over 66% of abused women responded by informing others or crying or offering resistance. Single women and mothers are vulnerable due to stereotyping and economic insecurity. Women's groups recommend formation of shelters for abused women, income generation programs, and training projects, but funding is frequently limited for such activities. Some abused women are unaware of their rights or do not seek help from agencies. Illiteracy interferes with exchanges of pertinent information. Women in the Indian study did not accept violence as part of marriage. 70% of the women stated that after reporting the violence there was resolution. For sexual violence, resolution did not occur, and Indian law does not treat marital rape as a criminal offense. Most of the abused Indian women had contacts with governmental or other organizations. It appears that outside support is important to resolution and nonviolent relationships. Employment that is home-based isolates women and may not be useful as a resource for achieving resolution. Groups need to focus on capacity-building.     

Are Poor Voters Indifferent to Whether Elected Leaders Are Criminal or Corrupt? A Vignette Experiment in Rural India

Although in theory elections are supposed to prevent criminal or venal candidates from winning or retaining office, in practice voters frequently elect and reelect such candidates. This surprising pattern is sometimes explained by reference to voters’ underlying preferences, which are thought to favor criminal or corrupt candidates because of the patronage they provide. This article tests this hypothesis using 2010 data from the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, where one in four representatives in the state legislature have a serious criminal record and where political corruption is widespread. Contrary to the voter preference hypothesis, voters presented with vignettes that randomly vary the attributes of competing legislative candidates for local, state, and national office become much less likely to express a preference for candidates who are alleged to be criminal or corrupt. Moreover, voters’ education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. The results imply that the electoral performance of candidates who face serious allegations likely reflects factors other than voters’ preferences for patronage, such as limited information about candidate characteristics or the absence of credible alternative candidates with clean records.     

试论冷战后澳大利亚与东盟的关系——从摇摆不定的地区政策到亚太世纪白皮书的出台

澳大利亚是美国的盟国,是南太平洋地区的大国。从历史文化传统来看,澳大利亚是一个地道的西方国家,可是在地理位置上却属于亚太地区。面对着这种纠结现实,澳大利亚在自身的国家定位和对东盟国家的政策上始终摇摆不定,直至亚太白皮书的出台。     

The birth of ANZUS: America's attempt to create a defense linkage between Northeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific

This article discusses the ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand andthe United States) security treaty negotiations, with specialemphasis on the 1951 Canberra talks, and examines why the USentered into a formal security alliance with Australia and NewZealand. It argues that the US concluded the security treatywith Australia and New Zealand in order to obtain their politicalsupport for a proposed American peace treaty with Japan, whichwould allow unconditional revitalization of Japanese militarypower. It is also the argument of this article that the US createdANZUS as a means of consolidating its own strategic positionin Northeast Asia by committing Australia and New Zealand tothe defense of US bases and forces stationed on the Japaneseislands.     

马六甲海峡问题的最新发展及对南海问题的启示

一、美军欲派兵马六甲海峡引发的区域安全问题1.马六甲海峡问题的浮现2004年4月 ,驻亚太地区美军总司令托马斯·法戈上将在美国会就国防部2005年预算作证时 ,披露了美军方名为《区域海事安全计划》的反恐新方案。根据这项正在制订中的计划 ,美国将向马六甲海峡派驻海军陆战队和特种部队 ,以防止恐怖主义袭击 ,打击武器扩散、毒品走私和海盗等犯罪活动。此消息一出 ,引起马来西亚、印度尼西亚的强烈反弹。在法戈发表讲话的当天 ,马来西亚副首相兼国防部长纳吉布明确表示 ,保证马六甲海峡的安全是沿岸国家的责任 ,美国未经允许不能在海峡部署…     

联盟困境、理性选择与澳美同盟的有限升级

任何联盟内部都存在联盟困境(即"被抛弃"与"被牵连")。在"美主澳从"的澳美同盟中,澳大利亚也面临着联盟困境:如果强调战略自主性则担心"被抛弃";如果强化澳美同盟则担心"被牵连"。在中国快速崛起、美国战略收缩和中美战略竞争不断加剧的背景下,澳大利亚认为有限升级澳美同盟——对美国欲"距"还迎——是其缓解联盟困境的理性选择。首先,有限升级澳美同盟不仅可以大大降低"被抛弃"的风险,而且有望提升地区影响力,同时有助于提升澳在中美战略布局中的重要性。其次,由于中美两国仍将长期维持"斗而不破"的状态,澳大利亚"被牵连"至中美军事冲突中的可能性很小,而当下澳美同盟的有限强化对成熟稳定的中澳关系冲击总体有限。澳大利亚为了缓解联盟困境、提升外交地位,有限升级澳美同盟,不仅使澳大利亚收益颇丰、成本可控,收益大于成本,而且中澳关系保持有限紧张是符合澳大利亚国家利益的理性选择。