面对21世纪中俄经贸合作问题的思考

叶利钦时期．中俄两国构建的战略协作伙伴关系．较多地体现在政治、军事和外交方面。经贸合作是个薄弱领域。普京执政后。对华关系的基本框架不会发生大的变化。但考虑到普京在摆脱经济危机和恢复俄罗斯强国地位方面。有着强烈的危机感和迫切感．因此、他的对华政策将具有务实性和转向以经济利益为中心的特点。近年来．两国经贸关系明显落后于政治关系。长期发展下去．有可能影响和削弱中俄政治关系的发展。进入２１世纪之际。中俄加强经贸合作．不仅有利于中国经济实现可持续增长和俄经济的复苏、而且还可以进一步巩固和发展两国的政治关系。当前。为把中俄经贸合作推上一个新的高度,应采取一些新的思路和对策：（一）要统一认识．即认识到中俄经贸关系落后于政治关系是客观存在的事实。有鉴于此．才需要我们将两国经贸合作推向一个新水平;（二）要有一个发展双边经贸合作的长期战略规划;（三）要上大项目：（四）加强对俄高科技合作．如在哈尔滨市与俄共建“中俄高新技术合作中心”; （五）大力研究与认真落实省、州合作、鼓励并推动地方政府发展区域合作。如吸引俄资本与技术参与我国西部大开发．尤其应将西伯利亚与远东地区作为区域合作的重点。特别应指出的是：没有我方与俄远东地区融洽的政治     

俄罗斯远东经济发展前景分析

俄罗斯远东地区是俄罗斯面向亚太的战略桥头堡,对俄罗斯在亚太地区的军事、政治、经济具有重要的影响。普京执政后,加强了对俄罗斯各联邦区的控制,远东地区经济进入了新的发展阶段。受地缘政治关系等因素的影响,投资不足问题一直是俄罗斯远东经济的"瓶颈"。预计俄罗斯仍将利用"能源牌"平衡与亚太近邻国家的关系。俄罗斯远东地区在这个前提下以资源开发为主线,如何最大限度地争取俄联邦的支持,努力发展与中国、日本、韩国等亚太国家的经贸关系,就成为决定经济发展前景的关键。     

The rule of law ‐ meaning and significance for security policy and reform

Given Russia's history of legal expediency and the emphasis of Western policy on economic liberalization, it is not surprising that Russian reforms have yet to produce a functioning market economy and effective political institutions, including civil‐military control. A Western‐style economic and military model is fundamentally built on the rule of law as a supreme and impartial tool of conflict resolution and distribution of rights and power. Without it, government action cannot be predicted, destroying trust in the institutions and denying private and public activity a basis for long‐term planning which is based on trust and predictability. Without long‐term planning neither companies nor armies can be successful, giving rise to a pseudo‐legal state of de facto laws. For its economic, political and military reforms to be successful Russia needs to emphasize the building of the institutions for developing and predictably enforcing a set of laws, an effort that needs to receive priority support from Western partners.     

中俄建立自由贸易区的积极效应分析

在中俄自由贸易区框架下，随着两国政治和经济关系的逐步加强，双方经贸合作的经济、政治和安全效应将日渐凸显：一方面，中俄双方的商品出口有望扩大，双边贸易额将达到预期目标，中俄双方也将得到实实在在的好处。另一方面，中俄自由贸易区的建立有助于增强中俄之间的政治互信和提高两国在世界事务中的政治影响力，同时有了稳固的经济和政治关系，中俄也可以就地区和国家安全问题进行广泛合作与磋商，从而在解决区域安全和国家安全问题上的立场更加一致，并在合作中使两国经济远离不安全状态。     

俄罗斯远东地区运输系统现代化改造问题研究

交通运输系统将俄罗斯远东地区内部各主体之间以及与俄罗斯其他地区之间联系起来,是远东地区融入俄罗斯统一经济空间、“确保领土完整和国家统一”的必要硬件条件。也是俄罗斯与亚太地区国家往来的重要基础。面对蓬勃发展的亚太地区,俄罗斯希望通过远东地区实现与亚太地区的经济一体化。为此,俄罗斯着手大力开发远东地区,前不久成立了远东发展部。俄罗斯对该地区交通运输系统进行现代化改造,是改变当地经济硬环境的一个重要举措。     

浅析俄罗斯的东北亚战略

随着冷战的结束和苏联的解体,国际经济和政治格局发生了巨大的变化,进入了一个新的调整时期。尤其是20世纪90年代以来,经济区域化和全球化的发展趋势加快,东北亚区域的合作也随之发展。东北亚地区曾是冷战的前沿地区,目前又因其聚集了大国经济发展的潜力,而成为当前世界经济发展的一个热点地区。在这一国际经济、政治势力角逐的舞台上,俄罗斯无疑扮演着十分重要的角色。近年来,俄罗斯非常重视与亚太地区特别是东北亚地区的联系,并为此制定了一系列较完整的地区性战略,正是以这一战略为基础,俄罗斯从政治、经济、军事等方面在东北亚地区展开了积极的攻势。     

普京时代俄罗斯经济转轨方向的调整:从宪政治理到威权治理

从戈尔巴乔夫改革开始,俄罗斯经济便陷入了困境,叶利钦时期的"休克疗法"更加使俄罗斯经济陷入水深火热的境地。普京执政后,俄罗斯经济逐渐走出困境,不仅实现了政局稳定、经济增长的目标,而且逐步恢复了其在世界经济的大国影响力。是什么原因造成如此大的反差?我们的观点认为正是普京的威权治国模式才使得俄罗斯经济重新崛起。中国和东亚一些国家威权治理的成功经验,反衬了叶利钦时期俄罗斯宪政治理的弊端与缺陷,从而得出在经济发展初期,必须保证国家的权威,即实行威权治理。而在具备一定经济基础的条件下,必须适时由威权治理向宪政治理转轨。     

Russia’s Policy towards the Middle East: The Case of Yemen

ABSTRACT

Yemen occupies a peripheral place in Russian foreign policy for three reasons: lack of serious economic interest, the illusory potential of strengthening the military presence there and recognition of Saudi Arabia’s role in the Yemeni conflict. However, a deepening of the split within the Arab coalition in Yemen, primarily between the UAE and Saudi Arabia, has not only forced the Russian authorities to seek a balance between Yemeni actors, but also made Russia part of the so-called ‘Yemeni triangle’ alongside the two GCC countries. Russian involvement in the Yemeni crisis is constrained by its economic weakness and prioritisation of Russia-Gulf relations more broadly.     

俄罗斯新版国家安全战略评析

2021年7月2日,俄出台新版《俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略》,其中有许多新变化值得关注.俄认为,当前国际形势动荡不安,地缘政治紧张局势日益加剧,武力仍是解决国家间冲突矛盾的重要手段.俄当前国家安全面临的主要威胁是美西方针对其进行的"混合战争",具体包括军事威胁、经济制裁和政治施压.为此,新战略提出的基本战略目标是维护国内、...     

Does Russia need a general staff?

The institutional arrangements and mechanisms for preventing and managing conflicts will determine the future of European security and the balance of power in a wider Europe. Russian policy and Russia‐NATO relations are anaylsed within the context of the ongoing changes at Russia's southern periphery. The embryos of three distinct security systems are developing ‐ a Russia‐led, a NATO‐led and one led by the international community. The article suggests that instability in the southern periphery in the future will require security cooperation and a joint approach by Russia and NATO countries.     

关于建立中俄自由贸易区的思考

随着贸易保护主义趋势的增强,越来越多的国家采取建立自由贸易区的形式以获取更多的贸易利益。在世界经济低迷而俄罗斯与中国经济发展快速稳定的大好形势下,中俄建立自由贸易区的现实意义凸现,两国应充分利用地理位置上毗邻、经济结构和资源禀赋方面的互补及两国牢固的政治基础等有利因素,打破中俄经贸10年僵局的局面,促使中俄经贸战略升级,以使两国经贸再上台阶。     

俄对华政策的变化及中国策略应对

回顾十几年来的中俄关系,可以说,两国关系发展虽有波动,但总体而言,是不断向前的.在经历了短暂的低迷徘徊期后,中俄关系很快进入了快速发展期.如今,两国关系已渐趋稳定,走向成熟.基于中俄两国均处于经济腾飞的特殊发展时期,两国在经济方面的发展竞争将会日趋激烈.今后,在两国关系的发展道路上不会一帆风顺,必然会有磕绊.我们应理性地看待中俄战略协作伙伴关系,既应重视这种战略关系,又不能过于倚重.     

亚太地区的安全稳定与俄中利益

亚太地区出现一个全新的局面。一方面,区域内的国际合作正在拓展,一个能够带来区域稳定和安全并得到普遍认同的体系正在形成。另一方面,亚太国家之间争夺地区内影响力的对抗和竞争的危险性日益加重,甚至有可能导致公开冲突并阻碍区域一体化的进程。为此,继续构建一个囊括地区内所有国家的,以合作、互信、对等安全为基础的新机制十分重要。亚太地区的发展直接影响俄罗斯联邦的利益,俄罗斯倡导要确保地区的稳定和安全,以及囊括所有亚太国家的建设性合作。近年来,俄罗斯政府特别重视促进东西伯利亚及远东地区的经济发展,该地区是俄罗斯实现亚太地区一体化的一个重要载体。开展同中国的合作,进一步开发俄罗斯远东地区,对于俄罗斯贯彻经济战略、实现经济现代化、融入亚太地区的经济空间,都具有原则性的重要意义。     

NATO expansion and Russian national interests

The article centres on the debate in Russia about NATO expansion into Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and how expansion affects re‐emergent Russian national interests post‐Madrid. The author examines official Russian arguments against expansion as well as the views of policy‐makers and political commentators, assesses the impact of NATO's plans on Russian‐Western Security and disarmament arrangements and analyses Russia's relations with her neighbours in CEE, the CIS and Asia.     

The Russian case for military intervention in Georgia: international law,norms and political calculation

Abstract

The Russian military intervention in Georgia in August 2008 has raised significant questions about Russian thinking and practice on the legitimate use of military force abroad, especially in relation to neighbour states. The arguments advanced by Russia to justify this campaign show how Russian interpretations of customary international law as well as norms related to the use of force have served as an instrument of state policy, rather than being rooted in any broader international consensus. The Russian discourse in this context about sovereignty, self-determination and the legitimacy of recognising South Ossetia and Abkhazia as states appears similarly to be strongly influenced by political self-interest and Russian views about its entitlement within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region. Among Russian claims, Moscow's commitment to support its ‘citizens’ abroad has been particularly controversial. This article examines these issues and also the possibility that, through its justifications for waging war against Georgia, Russia is more broadly contesting the interpretation of certain international norms, that it regards as essentially constructed by Western states. Some potential implications of these legal and normative arguments for future Russian policy in the CIS region, including Ukraine, are also examined.     

America's freedom to act in the Caspian Area

After the break up of the Soviet Union the conflict over energy resources in the Caspian area has flared up again. The United States has entered the stage, but the only remaining superpower finds it hard to forward its security policy interests and interests in the economic sphere in the area. The creation of a US‐dominated hegemony in the area would be beneficial for the United States, but the policy of containment of Iran and Russia, and US policy towards Azerbaijan seriously limits this possibility. Thus it is not possible to secure American influence in the Caspian area. In the long term this leaves the area open to Russia and Iran, or new actors such as China and the EU, unless the United States is willing to soften its policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and/or Azerbaijan in order to create the needed hegemony, and in this way achieve economic and political influence in the former Soviet republics.     

转型后俄乌两国经济联系探析

苏联时期俄罗斯与乌克兰两个加盟共和国间的经济联系是一个有机的整体，苏联解体后，俄乌转变为两个相互间有着内在紧密联系的独立国家。由于乌克兰特殊的地缘经济政治地位，与欧洲经济一体化也同样是乌克兰优先发展的对外政策，在政治因素的影响下两国在能源、农产品和军工领域的合作进程发展缓慢。从长远来看，发展两国间的内在经济联系，促进两国间多领域合作是符合两国经济发展共同利益的方向。     

俄罗斯与亚洲国家经济关系述评

上世纪90年代初期,俄罗斯曾经忽视与亚洲国家的关系,与亚洲各国的经济联系日渐萎缩。90年代中期,俄意识到与亚洲国家关系的重要性,逐渐恢复与亚洲各国的政治经济联系。新世纪初,普京当选为总统后,俄更加重视亚洲的地位,与亚洲各国的经济关系越来越密切。     

Voluntary organizations and society–military relations in contemporary Russia

The 2014 crisis in Ukraine has refocused attention on Russia as a European security actor. Despite showing renewed military capability, compared to the post-Soviet period, Russian society–military relations have remained the same. This relationship (between society and the security organs) provides the key context for assessing security. Analysis of everyday militarization and the role of voluntary organizations (such as DOSAAF [Dobrovol'noe obshchestvo sodeistviya armii, aviatsii i flotu] and Nashi [Molodezhnoe demokraticheskoe antifashistskoe dvizheni]) in supporting the military can provide an important insight into Russian behaviour as a security actor. These organizations generate a pro-military outlook and at the same time provide training and activities, thus contributing to military effectiveness by developing the competency of young people prior to military service as well as increasing public knowledge of military affairs. However, strong support for the military, a lack of independent information, and an absence of a shared vision on how society–military relations should be developed and also represent political challenges in terms of everyday militarization. This dynamic is important for understanding both Russia's security posture and wider security implications for Europe.     

Military professionalism in post‐communist Hungary and Poland: An analysis and assessment

Abstract

This article discusses Russian perceptions of and attitudes toward the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Russia has historically disliked and mistrusted NATO, seeing it as the primary threat to its international aspirations; in practice Russia pursues a dual policy. Its harsh condemnation of NATO has not stopped it from cooperating in selected areas of mutual interest. The most important among them is support for NATO's military operations in Afghanistan. The recent rejuvenation of relations between the west and Moscow is known as the strategic ‘reset’, meaning a return to diplomatic contacts and limited cooperation regardless of disagreements over the invasion of Georgia and Moscow's other recent international transgressions. The reset in NATO–Russia relations has only tactical significance, however. Cooperation will take place on a limited basis, but a genuine reset in mutual relations must wait for a reset in Russia's political and strategic priorities.