中缅跨境安全复合体及其治理

近年来,随着缅甸政府与民族地方武装频发军事冲突,中缅边境安全问题愈发受到人们的关注。中缅两国因经贸往来、基础设施等合作,已在边境地区形成了一种"安全相互依赖"的格局。对中缅边境而言,"安全"不再是一个单维度概念。厘清其"不安全"的扩散机制,需从"安全复合体"角度审视中缅边境。在中缅边境这一"跨境安全复合体"中,军事、政治、社会、经济、环境各安全领域通过各自的发展互动形成了消极的安全外部性,并透过中缅边境向两国扩散了跨境的安全影响。目前,缅甸全国民主联盟虽已开始执政并加速民族和解进程,但尚有民族地方武装尚未签署全国停火协议。当军事、政治冲突难以在短期内解决的情况下,如何有效应对中缅边境在经济、社会及环境方面的安全影响就显得极为重要。中缅边境现存的边境联络官办公室机制,不仅在治理领域整合了经济、社会、环境等多元议题,更取得了不俗的治理效果。随着未来边境安全问题的复杂化,中缅边境亟须治理领域更广、制度框架多边、治理主体多元的治理机制来应对更大的挑战。     

美墨边境安全问题和美墨合作

美国与墨西哥边境不仅是世界上合法商业活动和贸易活动最繁忙的陆地边境,也是西半球毒品、非法移民、枪支走私等违法犯罪活动最猖獗的通道.如果说传统安全问题与非传统安全问题相互交织是当今时代国际政治中的一大突出现象,那么,美墨边境安全问题就是这一现象的典型案例,它不仅涉及传统安全范畴内的领土、领海、领空等边境安全问题,还涉及跨国有组织犯罪、非法移民、恐怖主义、武器扩散等非传统安全问题.美墨边境安全长期以来是美墨两国面临的一个十分棘手的问题,对两国的政治、经济、社会等方面构成了严峻挑战,并严重影响了双边关系,因此采取有效合作措施来解决这一问题,对两国都具有紧迫性.     

当代西方恐怖主义威胁认知与治理目标和路径

恐怖主义威胁认知对治理政策的有效性具有决定性的影响,也是外部政策评估的有效切入点:威胁认知通过影响政策目标与政策路径,构成恐怖主义治理能够在多大限度内发挥其有效性的前提。九一一事件以来,西方对恐怖主义威胁出现了"传统智慧""本土恐怖主义"和"极端意识形态"三种不同的认知,治理政策经历了"全球反恐战争""反激进化"和"反极端化"三个阶段,政策目标经历了"文化安全化—族群安全化—思想安全化"的演进,政策路径出现了从"群体化"到"个体与群体兼重"再到"个体化"的转变。恐怖主义威胁认知的三个阶段演进,更多的是面对新恐怖威胁的被动更新,而非针对前一阶段问题所做的主动修正。这导致当代西方恐怖主义治理的既有政策有限性将会持续,反恐的政策负担会越来越重,甚至"越反越恐"。在当前国际恐怖主义不断发展变化的背景下,西方乃至全球的恐怖主义治理又处于一个需要更新威胁认知的关头,这可能会进一步影响当前恐怖主义治理的效果。     

复合地缘政治的兴起与跨境安全治理的转型

国家边界的人为划分与边境地区安全的高度关联,使跨境安全治理成为民族国家体系的重要议题之一。在时空关系相对稳定的传统地缘政治格局下,跨境安全治理从未面临严峻挑战,国家边境管控和边境地区一体化相结合的手段往往是较好的跨境安全治理模式。但随着当代技术革命的深入,传统地缘政治高度依赖的时空结构发生重大变化:共时技术的快速发展使时间流动加速甚至"静止化",对传统的线性叙事和决策思维产生重大冲击;它还推动传统上静止的空间得以"流动",从而使地缘政治理论面临前所未有的空间不确定性。正是这一崭新的时空联动关系,使地缘政治由传统的单一形态朝向复合形态发展,并对既有的跨境安全治理思维和模式产生重大冲击;呼吁跨境安全治理朝攻守平衡、收放自如、松紧合理的方向转型。无论是从理论层面还是从实践层次,中国都有重要潜力成为这一时代性转型的引领者。     

当前国际安全乱象与国际安全治理的困境与出路

一般认为,国际安全包含传统安全与非传统安全两大类.冷战结束后的相当长一段时间,就世界范围而言,非传统安全威胁呈上升趋势,而传统安全威胁则呈下降趋势.然而近年来,国际安全形势“乱象丛生”,非传统安全威胁与传统安全威胁同时上升,这增大了国际安全治理的困境,人们对国际安全治理及其有效性的疑虑也重新增多、增大.不仅如此,冷战后曾一度高调倡导全球治理、国际安全治理的美欧等西方国家热度急剧下降,由国际安全治理的倡导者变成阻力,这尤其增大了国际安全治理前景的不确定性.     

南海安全区域间治理模式探析

实现南海区域安全与和平、稳定一直以来是中国和东盟国家就南海局势展开对话与合作的重要议题之一。然而,现实中的南海安全局势却一再紧张,这表明南海区域安全制度性安排与安全秩序理念和现有变化、发展迅速的南海安全形势已经出现了不同步、不协调的状况。在过往长期的南海安全区域间治理实践中,东盟和中国作为南海周边最具影响力的国家间集团和最重要的区域大国,以不同的方式,就南海安全的区域间治理展开了对话与合作,并形成了各自富有特色的治理模式,"东盟模式"和"中国模式"。这两种模式从不同层次和多个渠道就南海区域安全治理进行了对话与合作,并在南海安全区域间治理方面发挥了一定的效用。然而,目前南海安全体系呈现出来的脆弱性和南海区域安全现况却一再揭示,中国和东盟在南海安全区域间治理进程中还面临着不少现实的困境。为克服这些困境,更好地实现南海安全的区域间治理,中国和东盟应形成合力,为南海安全的区域间治理重塑一个相吻合的制度规范,共同构建一个相匹配的角色、身份与创造一个具有建设性意义的内外治理环境。     

从共存安全到共生安全:基于边境安全特殊性的思考

边境地区作为国家领土比较特殊的组成部分，代表着国家主权的至高无上性和国家领土的不容侵犯。过去，位于国家交界处的边境地区敏感脆弱，承担着维护国家“安全”和“生存”的重任，传统边境始终发挥其屏蔽功能，传统的边境安全随之体现出“防范危险”和“共存安全”的主要特性。如今，由于全球化进程和国家的开放政策，相应地引发了实体边界弱化和“软边界”扩散等边境地区的新变化，同时，边境屏蔽效应相对减弱，中介效应凸显，使边境地区呈现安全与发展并举甚至以发展为主导的安全态势，边境安全的特征发生重大转变。边境地区安全问题的复杂化、安全的渗透性和联动性增强、安全中注入发展的因素以及安全的社会化建构等特征与“共生”理论中的多元性、内生性、交互性、共生性等特征相似，而且有相适应的研究议题，使边境安全问题可以从共生视角进行探讨。边境安全的变化使边境在实现“共存安全”的同时强调“共生安全与发展”，在关注当下安全的同时也注重安全的未来。文章以边境安全的特殊性为视角进行研究，提出“共生安全”的新理念，并在“共存安全”和“共生安全”特性的比较中，探索边境安全乃至国家安全的未来走向。     

非洲债务问题的议题化及其影响北大核心

议题化是当今非洲债务问题的重要特征。作为经济议题,债务问题是非洲发展进程中的重大问题;作为政治议题,债务问题正成为非洲国家国内政治和社会的重要议题;作为国际关系议题,非洲债务问题是传统大国与新兴大国、双边与多边、官方与私人部门在非洲博弈和互动的新议题。非洲债务问题的议题化正带来多重影响,其嵌入非洲国家的国内政治和国家发展议程,推动中国与传统债务治理机制的碰撞、竞争和磨合,成为影响中非合作关系的焦点问题。受2020初暴发的新冠肺炎疫情等因素影响,非洲债务问题议题化趋势更加复杂,非洲债务可持续性面临新的不确定性,同时国际社会在非洲债务救助中团结合作的意愿和行动不断走强,非洲债务问题日益成为国际债务治理合作转型的重要动力。然而,美西方在非洲债务问题上的政治化图谋给非洲发展和国际债务治理带来负面影响。国际社会必须认清非洲债务问题的根源和本质,坚决反对将债务问题政治化,通过团结协作构建真正有效的国际债务治理体系,从而切实推进非洲发展和国际对非合作。     

转型深化进程中的国家治理模式重构：

多重制度转型改变了传统的全能主义国家治理模式，政府-市场-公民社会三元并存与互补的现代国家治理模式成为转型国家制度改革的目标。国家治理模式重构的进程异常复杂曲折，转型国家普遍存在程度不同的治理危机。尽管不同国家的制度转型与国家治理模式重构路径存在差异，但协调政府、市场与社会间的关系依然是其转型深化阶段国家治理模式构建的关键。对转型国家重构国家治理模式的进程进行研究，有助于中国在完善社会主义市场经济体制阶段选择更为有效的国家治理模式构建战略。     

国际金融安全观的演进与评估

国际金融安全是全球化进程中的重要安全议题,也是当前国际秩序转型期全球治理的重要议题。国际金融安全具有主客交融的属性,既涉及物质层面的客观威胁,又涉及观念层面的威胁认知。金融安全研究的三种基本逻辑是权力竞争、利益互动和安全建构。从全球金融治理的视角可以将国际金融安全观界定为核心治理主体对国际金融风险的来源和性质的认知。风险来源和风险性质是国际金融安全观的两个核心内涵,分别对全球金融治理的层级和模式产生重要影响,并由此形成了一个识别国际金融安全观的理论框架。基于这一框架,二战结束以来国际金融安全观的演进主要经历了货币体系安全观、“完美市场”安全观、微观审慎安全观和宏观审慎安全观四个阶段,它们在风险的来源与性质以及治理的层级、逻辑、模式弹性与效力等维度存在较大差异。在当前国际金融体系下,国际社会的金融安全意识在弱化,大国间的金融安全观分歧和竞争正逐渐侵蚀全球金融治理的共识基础,国际金融安全面临的不确定性风险增加。     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.