东北亚区域经济一体化发展趋势与实现途径

区域经济一体化已成为世界经济发展的潮流,而东北亚地区(中国、日本和韩国)作为世界第三大区域集团,其一体化进程却非常缓慢。目前,在东北亚地区有两个潜在优先发展的FTA,即一个双边的日本—韩国FTA和一个三边的日本—韩国—中国FTA。根据国际形势和东北亚主要国家的政策变化,可以预测东北亚区域经济一体化将要进入提速阶段。东北亚区域经济一体化从纵向深化和横向拓展的二维发展过程上,都应该选择与欧盟和北美自由贸易协定不同的实现途径。     

区域经济一体化时代的东北亚区域经济合作

20世纪90年代以来世界区域经济一体化进程的加快,使东北亚区域经济合作面临新的机遇与挑战。适应区域经济一体化大发展的时代要求,我们必须积极探索21世纪东北亚区域合作的新途径。在东北亚地区经济合作的模式选择上,应该遵循时间上的渐次性和空间上的层次性相结合的方针,首先加快中、日、韩3国的制度性合作,使之成为东北亚区域经济合作的核心和先导,然后再向全区扩展。当然,只有充分利用好各种有利因素,才能使合作展现出光明的前景。     

10+3框架下的东北亚区域合作--兼谈对东北亚合作的几点新认识

10+3框架的产生,使东北亚次区域合作有了制度上的保障,以中、日、韩为核心的东北亚合作成了东亚区域合作的一个重要组成部分。当前,中、日、韩合作的最大障碍是中日之间缺乏互信,双方应当“以史为鉴,面向未来”,共同推动东北亚合作。东北亚合作应当坚持开放性,以 10+3为主,多渠道并进。     

东北亚地区社会经济环境变化与吉林省发展战略

近几年来,东北亚各个国家的社会经济环境都发生了一些变化,无论是日本、韩国,还是中国、俄罗斯以及朝鲜、蒙古,这些国家的一个显著特征是都处在经济体制与政治制度改革与调整之中。在这些政治经济方面的变化中,有对我国参与东北亚区域经济合作有利的促进因素,也存在着有阻碍作用的不利因素。面对东北亚地区政治经济的新变化,吉林省如何制定与调整自己的发展战略,将对吉林省今后的经济发展与对外开放起到决定性的作用。     

东北亚区域合作的文化视角——打造区域合作的文化基础

区域经济一体化的发展需要共同的文化底蕴和互信、认同的区域文化平台的支撑。东北亚区域合作步履蹒跚,也反应出深层次上对地区文化认同的差异。东北亚地区一体化进程不可能整体突破,首先在中、日、韩三国间进行经济整合最可能成为现实,但也要经过艰苦的区域文化的构建过程。各国应共同努力打造区域合作的文化基础,以文化认同促进区域合作,不求一时之功,但求长远发展。中国也需建立自己面对东北亚的文化发展战略,以维护本地区的和平与稳定,促进本地区的合作与发展。     

促进合作维护和平实现共赢--东北亚地区国际关系走势分析

东北亚是世界重要经济区之一。日本、韩国的资金、技术 ,俄罗斯的资源 ,对我国的经济建设 ,尤其对东北老工业基地振兴 ,是不可缺少的。东北亚是大国利益交汇处 ,是世界热点之一 ,但不会发生战争。要树立外交新思维 ,采取灵活的外交政策 ,维护东北亚的和平稳定 ,积极推进以中、日、韩合作为核心的东北亚经济合作 ,实现地区繁荣 ,为我国全面建设小康社会创造良好的国际环境。     

Whither East Asian economic integration? Korea��s regionalization cum globalization strategy

The recent regionalization in East Asia can be defined in terms of regionalization cum globalization. In the case of Europe, regionalization was originally intended to create a preferential and protected area. From its inception, however, regionalization in East Asia emphasized open membership and global liberalization. This so-called open regionalism was then adopted as a fundamental principle of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Given that APEC is an inter-regional institution, however, the concept of open regionalism is not applicable to characterize exclusively Asian integration process that gained momentum on the basis of the ASEAN + 3 framework. For many East Asian countries, a regionalization initiative, especially after the 1997 financial crisis, was a natural response to cope with globalization. Indeed, although East Asian economies are increasingly regionalized, the global market remains crucial and exclusively Asian arrangements are still rare. Globalization and regionalization processes are mutually reinforcing. Singapore is one example that developed into a regional economic hub through the regionalization cum globalization strategy. Given that Korea concluded recently two important free trade areas with the USA and the EU, Korea is also capable of building such a regional economic hub. The first step is to strengthen a cooperation network between the three Northeast Asian countries, China, Japan, and Korea. This network, together with ASEAN, is expected to catalyze the regional integration in East Asia and shape its future evolution.     

美日共同开发并部署TMD对东北亚地区安全构成威胁

冷战结束后 ,国际形势趋向缓和 ,和平与发展成为世界主流。然而 ,美日两国却决定搞战区导弹防御系统共同开发研究直至最后部署 ,对世界和平、特别是东北亚地区安全构成威胁。主要表现为 :( 1 )破坏了东北亚地区国际战略平衡 ,造成了该地区政治形势动荡不安 ;( 2 )引发新的军备竞赛 ;( 3)增大了日本走军事大国之路的危险性 ;( 4 )进一步加剧了朝鲜半岛的紧张局势 ;( 5)如把中国台湾省也拉入其中 ,将激化中国台湾省与大陆间的矛盾 ,使台海局势复杂化。     

韩国的东北亚经济合作及东北亚中心战略

最近,韩国政府提出了东北亚中心战略,即充分利用韩国连接东北亚地区大陆和海洋的地理优势、经济优势,以韩国为中介、枢扭,促进东北亚地区经济、贸易、金融等方面的发展及合作。为此,韩国首先要从自身出发,不断完善经济结构,确保其经济快速发展,同时,也要积极推进东北亚经济合作和建立东北亚经济共同体,促使东北亚地区建立起开放而活跃的市场。     

论东北亚经济联合的新制约因素和发展趋势

世纪之交 ,以日韩自由贸易区和中、日、韩自由贸易区的提出为契机 ,东北亚经济联合再次成为人们关注的焦点。在第 4次 10 + 3领导人会议已就东亚自由贸易区达成共识的情况下 ,东北亚经济联合由APEC框架之下过渡到了 10 + 3框架之下。从发展趋势看 ,中、日、韩自由贸易区很有可能纳入到东亚自由贸易区之中 ,双边自由贸易将成为东北亚经济联合的主要内容和基本形式。     

APEC and emerging regionalism in North East Asia

This paper explores what kind of regional trade agreement is most likely to emerge in Northeast Asia by tracing the trajectories of APEC. Taking into account the underlying potential of realizing cumulative causation effects between market expansion and technology cooperation among China, Japan and Korea, it reaches the tentative conclusion that a Northeast Asia Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) might take shape in the near future despite the prevalence of polarized versions in the cultural heritage and the international relations between these three countries.

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关于东北亚经济合作的构想

关于东北亚经济合作已经讨论多次 ,现在的问题在于需要找到一个合适的切入点来开始行动。东北亚地区曾经有过辉煌的过去 ,在经济全球化成为普遍的趋势、贸易投资自由化进程加快和科技革命迅速发展的当今世界 ,东北亚必须通过经济合作 ,发挥集体的力量 ,提高经济发展的水平和质量 ,再创辉煌。从中、日、韩 3国开始 ,由相互投资启动合作 ,建立成长三角可能是一个合适的切入点。从长远看 ,东北亚经济合作的发展终归要从非制度化走向制度化 ,最终实现区域经济一体化。     

从“六方会谈”看东北亚经济合作

“六方会谈”是由中国政府发起为解决朝核问题维护东北亚和平稳定的政治行为,它是一个维护地区政治安全与稳定的多边协调机制,它不仅从发展走势上影响着东北亚的区域经济合作,而且还影响着东北亚经济合作模式的选择。在世界经济呈现一体化、区域化背景下,中国政府应把这一解决地区争端的多边协调机制作为与东北亚各国经济交流与合作的制度基础,制定自己的区域经济发展战略,促进振兴东北老工业基地的建设步伐。     

东北亚和解与合作:韩国的作用与角色冲突

冷战后韩国在东北亚地区的地位与作用均有明显的上升趋势。而卢武铉提出的东北亚平衡者外交战略,要在地区事务中发挥更大的独特作用,更使东北亚地区的国际关系有了新变化的可能。在国际事务中,韩国自主外交的"独立意识"及其作用的发挥,有利于地区安全的战略平衡。同时,在朝核问题、区域合作等问题上,韩国作用的发挥还是具有一定的局限性。中国应进一步加强与韩国在各领域的合作。这对呼应韩国自主防卫诉求、培植中韩互信、牵制美日、防止东北亚"新冷战"的发生都具有重要的战略意义。     

Environmental cooperation of Northeast Asia: transboundary air pollution

The puzzle of why Northeast Asian countries do not have anyenvironmental cooperation comparable to Europe's successfulregulatory regime even though both regions have borne similarconditions of the atmospheric problem has been explored. Inorder to answer this question, the author shed light on someof the conditions in Northeast Asia that would be necessaryfor regional cooperation to take place, by examining the factorsthat shape the environmental foreign policy of sovereign states.The success of Europe's regional cooperation in dealing withacid rain has been investigated, through the lens of interest-basedand epistemic community approaches. The interest-based approachprovides two factors – ecological vulnerability and economiccost – to show why some countries have taken more activepositions than others. In addition, the author argues that onemore factor is necessary, the existence of an epistemic community,out of the knowledge-based community perspective, because evenself-interested states have difficulties in defining their interestsdue to high uncertainty and complexity about developing goalsand preferences. After applying the two perspectives to thecooperation of Northeast Asian countries, it is found that lackof domestic and regional consensus on ecological vulnerabilityto transboundary acid deposition and the high economic costsof reducing emission have contributed to slow development ofthe cooperation of Northeast Asia. In addition, the lack ofsolid expert communities in Japan, as a leading country, couldhinder Northeast Asian countries from speeding up the transitiontoward regulatory regime formation from the current informationsharing cooperation. Received for publication August 12, 2005. Accepted for publication December 22, 2006.     

ASEAN and Northeast Asia: stakes and implications for the European Union–ASEAN partnership

During the immediate aftermath of the 1997 ASEAN crisis, instead of promoting a further “deepening” of the integration process, ASEAN has preferred enlarging its membership and has opened up to its Northeast Asian partners, Japan, China and South Korea. The mounting economic trade flows among those actors necessitates calls for the coherent creation of effective regional structures. China in particular, among the three mentioned countries, has come to the fore with its diplomatic strategies concerning the regional architecture. As results of these recent changes, the structure of power and the nature of the regional system are altering and ASEAN is going through a decisive transition. Taking into consideration the speed of the evolving framework with the enlargement of an East Asian Community, ASEAN would need a new political vision for the region, for the redefinition of its internal balance of power and for the elaboration of a clear approach toward external partners. Crucial problems affect the entire area such as deficit of democracy, wide development gaps among the East Asian countries, the widespread need for economic liberalisation and need for new human and regional security policies. The EU would play a fundamental role in addressing these problems and would be well inspired to avoid considering Southeast Asia as just a mere periphery of China.     

东北经济区地缘战略研究

分析预测21世纪初期俄罗斯、日本在东北亚的地缘战略、朝鲜半岛的政治走向和美国的亚太战略及其对东北经济区的政治经济影响，可以认为，对东北经济区未来的发展是机遇大于挑战，至少会赢得1/4世纪的宝贵和平时期。因此，应抓住机遇，积极发展。其地缘战略是：在地缘政治方面与俄罗斯合作，防御日美联合及其构建地区性防御体系；在地缘经济方面与日韩合作，促进东北亚经济的共同发展；充分利用已有的基础和有利的地理环境，争取国家的重点支持，加强区内联合，采取超常规发展举措，加快发展；全面对外开放，以开放促开发，促进国际合作，用地缘经济促进地缘政治的良性发展，为东北经济区快速发展营造良好的外部条件。     

东北亚国家贸易引力模型实证检验及潜力分析

近些年,东北亚国家的贸易问题,一直受到许多学者的关注。通过采用贸易引力模型从实证角度分析验证:决定东北亚各国2003年双边贸易状况的主要因素是:贸易伙伴的经济规模(GDP)、空间距离、人口和制度安排。根据东北亚各国之间应有贸易额的估计,中国对韩俄,日本对俄,韩国对日俄,蒙古对韩的出口潜力巨大。当务之急是扩大中、日、韩三国的经济合作。     

Regionalism in Asia as Disguised Multilateralism: A Critical Analysis of the East Asia Summit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Revolving around the concept of ‘Community’ or ‘community’, debate on an Asian region has ostensibly pitted those who proposed an entity limited to East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea and the ten countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN) against those who proposed a much wider region embracing India, North (and, perhaps, South) America, as well as Australasia. Previously these two conceptualisations possessed their eponymous translation in the East Asian Economic Caucus (reincarnated as ASEAN+3) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. However, with the creation in 2005 of the East Asian Summit to include India, Australia and New Zealand and, above all, its 2011 enlargement to include the United States and Russia, the contrast between the two conceptualisations of an Asian region has become confused. In order to explain this development, this article suggests that the language of ‘region’ or ‘community’ is a discursive smokescreen disguising changes in approaches to multilateralism. An examination of the East Asia Summit, contrasting it with another recent regional project, the Trans Pacific Partnership, suggests that the actors involved are seeking to ensure the primacy of individual nation states in intergovernmental multilateral relations.     

中日韩东亚共同体构想指导思想比较

中日韩对建立东亚共同体达成共识后,各界对东亚共同体的前景并不乐观。从各国关于东亚共同体构想的指导思想上看,日本是为了摆脱对美国的依赖,应对中国崛起,提高本国在东亚的竞争力和影响力;韩国是为了摆脱夹在中国和日本之间的"三明治"地位;而中国更多地从"和谐世界"理念出发,为本国的发展创造和平的环境。尽管中日韩对东亚共同体的意义和作用有深刻认识,但三国指导思想的相互矛盾影响了三国的切实合作,同时,现存的领土问题、主导权之争、美国因素等都是现实障碍。因此,处理好中日韩与美日韩的关系,加强中日韩合作是推动东亚共同体获得进展的关键。