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1.
现代化产业体系是现代化经济体系的重要组成部分,是指产业发展的新型化、产业结构的高级化、产业发展的集聚化和产业竞争力的高端化。从新时代经济发展的现实状态来看,我国现代化产业体系的构建必须坚持工业化的逻辑。坚持工业化逻辑就是要防止过度去工业化,从新兴产业的新动能培育与传统产业的新旧动能转换两条路径入手,以新型工业化、再工业化、继续工业化及工业现代化为基本逻辑,在坚持把实体经济做优做强的基础上,通过创新为我国工业化发展提供核心动力,进而构建我国新时代的现代化产业体系。现代化产业体系构建的工业化逻辑的实现需要发挥现代信息技术对产业发展的渗透作用,以信息化带动传统产业的现代化,加快战略性新兴产业的发展;推进供给侧结构性改革,积极培育现代化产业体系的新动能;推动消费结构升级,积极培育未来新产业的发展;完善支持体系,创造现代化产业体系构建的环境。  相似文献   
2.
作为中国特色的经济社会战略名词,就业优先惟有明晰其阶段性和针对性才能充分彰显中国智 慧和中国方案的魅力。结合低中高收入水平及其各自所处阶段的发展均衡陷阱,以反贫困、反对不平等、实现 充分就业与体面就业等阶段性主要任务为媒介,可探究就业优先的阶段性内涵与生发机制。总体上就业优先的 内涵变迁可拾级而上形成三个阶段,即努力实现市场化就业优先的低等水平就业,追求就业数量优先的中等水 平就业,致力于就业质量优先的高等水平就业。就业优先由低到高的三个阶段性内涵依次对应收入水平的低等、 中低等、中高等不同阶段,但并非绝对。进入中国特色社会主义新时代,更要坚持就业优先战略,并把握好就 业质量优先这一新的阶段性内涵,进一步推动相关领域的深化改革。  相似文献   
3.
This viewpoint reflects on how to improve the process of introducing facilitated industrial symbiosis programmes (FISPs) to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in developing countries. Although FISPs are a long-established industrial practice, their formal introduction to SMEs in developing countries has only recently begun, mostly through support from international development agencies. Based partly on anecdotal evidence from Gauteng, South Africa, we identify six key questions which need to be addressed to improve the process of facilitating FISPs.  相似文献   
4.
Discourse on terrorist violence has long facilitated an especially liberal form of securitisation. Originally evoked in reference to anarchists and communists, a rational consideration of terrorist violence, inaugurated by the concept, asks for deferred judgement about the nature of, or reasons behind, violence related to terror on the premise that state and international legal norms governing the legitimate use of violence fail to circumscribe the proper capacities of the state to regulate and explain terrorism. Where sovereign powers along with their military and civilian instruments of coercion are deemed unable to regulate violence effectively, analysts of terrorist violence and their readership are invited to consider and cultivate new sensibilities. Beginning in the 1980s, studies by psychologists found renewed urgency among a growing cadre of interdisciplinary terror experts who found religion, Islam especially, a key variable of analysis. I situate their contributions in a longer history of secular and racialising discourse about terrorist violence. Central to this history are practices of reading, translating, interpreting and archiving texts. Evidence for the argument is based on the analysis of an algorithm that allegedly predicts the likelihood of terrorist strikes by counting words spoken by al-Qa?ida leaders and correlating their frequency with over 30 psychological categories.  相似文献   
5.
在新媒介时代,网络空间成为政治传播线上宣传的公共领域,新媒介技术成为不断推动这个领域创新发展的重要力量。新媒介技术下的政治传播格局发生改变,政治传播主体更加多元,政治传播方式更加多样,政治传播的问题也逐渐凸显。转变传统公共政治传播观念,以新媒介技术为支撑,传播优质内容,寻求与公众的政治共识,建立公共传播与公众传播的多向互动格局,增强公众对政府的信任度,能够对新媒介技术下政治传播生态的健康发展产生积极作用。  相似文献   
6.
Abstract

Historical materialism envisages law-like tendencies (‘scientific’ Marxism) promoting the development of productive forces and, concurrently, a political praxis (‘active’ Marxism) requiring human intervention. These positions give rise to conflicting interpretations of Marxism: first to understand society, second to change it – to abolish economic exploitation. The twentieth century witnessed a shift in the locus of the contradictions of capitalism to the economically dependent territories of the imperial powers. Socialist parties, when in power and adopting a Leninist political praxis, furthered modernisation and were successful in reducing economic exploitation. The paper addresses the relationship between the scientific and praxis components of Marxism in contemporary global capitalism. It considers post-Marxist interpretations of the changing class structure, the rise of identity politics and the evolving nature of capital. Forms of domination, oppression and discrimination (bureaucracy, patriarchy, racism, militarism and credentialism) give rise to their own distinctive forms of power relations. It is contended that they should not be equated with Marx’s crucial insight into the nature of economic exploitation. Many current Marxist (and ‘post-Marxist’) writers adopt a ‘scientific’ position emphasising the inherent contradictions of capitalism. The author claims that without appropriate political praxis, the resolution of such contradictions is unlikely to transcend capitalism.  相似文献   
7.
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies.  相似文献   
8.
国际发展研究是反映现实世界变化的窗口之一。最近几年的发展经济学文献对诸如援助的动因、援助有效性等传统议题的研究更为深入,对新议题的探索也逐渐涌现。移民问题、局部地区的战争与恐怖主义活动与援助的相互关系,援助是如何塑造受援国行为及其所产生的效果,是反映援助国政治诉求的现实性研究。除此之外,源自其他学科的新研究方法也丰富了学者们对传统议题研究手段,补充了传统研究方法在诸如内生性等问题上存在的缺陷。  相似文献   
9.
夏红莉 《理论建设》2020,36(2):72-76
政治能力是新时代党员干部第一位的能力。当前党员干部政治能力建设中还存在着政治敏锐性不高、政治定力不足、政治担当不够、政治执行力不强等问题,究其原因,既有主观方面的因素,也有客观方面的因素。因此,新时代提升党员干部政治能力,必须从加强党的长期执政能力建设出发,从党员干部个人和党组织主客观两个方面切入,既靠党员干部自身努力内外兼修提升政治能力,也要靠组织培养,充分发挥党组织政治功能。  相似文献   
10.
“十四五”时期是我国从全面建成小康社会向基本实现社会主义现代化迈进的关键过渡期。基于数量和质量双重维度,采用趋势外推法预测未来经济增长潜力,未来十年中国的潜在经济增长率呈现明显下降态势,而经济增长质量潜力则出现显著上升趋势。“十四五”时期建设社会主义现代化国家的战略目标包括以推动高质量发展为基本导向、以提升国家核心竞争力为集中体现、以增进人民福祉为最终目的、以推进国家治理现代化为重要保障。在此基础上,“十四五”时期的战略重点是更加有力的创新驱动、更加优化的经济结构、更加完善的基础设施体系和更加现代化的发展道路。  相似文献   
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