Strategic Planning for Its Neighboring Diplomacy

Since security on the periphery is vital to a country’s overall security,China’s considerations of its peripheral areas have remained among the four pillars of its diplomacy,the others being big power,developing country,and multilateralism.With the establishment of the P.R.C.and the Cold War,past relations with neighboring countries were stormy,with policies toward some involving confrontation,even armed clashes.The Cold War’s end and China’s growing comprehensive power have affected security in peripheral areas and the power structure in neighboring countries,increasing the pressure for timely adjustment and reform of diplomatic strategy.Efforts were discernable during the CPC Central     

Another ＂Complementarity＂ in Sino-Australian Security Cooperation

This paper examines how China has played a "responsible" role in international humanitarian post-disaster assistance by taking the example of China’s assistance to post-tsunami Aceh,and explores policy implications with regard to future Sino-Australian security cooperation.China and Australia took inconsistent approaches to assistance in Aceh,which derived from their different understandings of international "responsibility".However,the inconsistencies do not necessarily hamper cooperation between the two.Rather,it is because of these inconsistent approaches that the two countries’ cooperation can develop into comprehensive and multifaceted assistance.The key to successful cooperation between the two countries,this paper argues,is the notion of "complementarity".In policy documents on bilateral relations,Chinese and Australian policymakers emphasize the "economic complementarity" between the two,but this "complementarity" is also useful when the two explore the way in which they will cooperate on security issues.One example of this complementary approach with regard to assistance for Aceh is the Australian effort to promote stability in both tsunami and non-tsunami affected areas,and Chinese economic investment in Aceh,in keeping with the Acehnese local expectations of long-term economic development and more employment opportunities,which are the foundation stones of stability.While these efforts are not consistent,they are highly complementary to each other,and have great potential to encourage peace and stability in Aceh.     

A New Model of China-U.S. Relations after Beijing’s Second Reform

As extensive as the first reform launched in 1978, China’s second reform also depends on giant strides in relations with the U.S.. For the New Model of bilateral ties that is antecedent for the full reform to take hold, progress is needed in four key fields blocking the way. Navigating this challenge will entail originality in thinking, framework and trajectory. The proposed "new model of major-country relations" represents China’s official commitment to go the distance to reorient its U.S. bond, but it awaits joint endeavor in building "the three communities of interests, security and responsibility" of Chimerica.     

非洲安全新挑战及其对中非合作的影响（英文）

The changes in African security environment not only affect the development of African countries,but also have major implications for China-Africa relations.Given its increasing interests on the continent,China should actively participate in African security governance,safeguard its legitimate rights and interests in Africa,and promote Africa’s peace and stability.     

Seeking Strategic Balance in Complicated Situation

More than 170 years after the Opium War,China is returning to a more central role in international relations.The major global emergencies in 2014 indicate an historical course alteration is happening now,and China’s strategic choices will determine much of the final destination of the change.The interim period poses challenges to China’s national security and greater uncertainty in international systems.China’s rise,coupled with internal problems brought about by social transition and relatively insufficient strategic means,will make it more difficult for China to secure its interests.Provided China succeeds in this period of insecurity,the overall environment for the country will incrementally improve.Provided several factors are properly balanced,a period of relative"stability"will ensue as the negative effects brought about by China’s rise disappear.     

The Evolution of China’s Security Challenges and Grand Strategy

This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949 and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution of China’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements of change as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’s capabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shaped the grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades, a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with a clearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the 21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns confronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offers brief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fight against the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty of China’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequence of the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, a consequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979.     

Prospects for Sino-Russian Relations and China＇s National Interests in the Next Decade

The next 5-10 years will be a pivotal period in which China will implement its ＂ 11 th Five-Year Plan＂ and accelerate its construction of ＂ a moderately prosperous society.＂ It will also be an important period for Russia＇s resurgence. Sino-Russian relations are therefore facing new challenges and will be steadily developing. Under these new circumstances, clearly defining China＇s national interests in Sino-Russian relations will be an important prerequisite of ensuring the healthy and stable development of bilateral relations and of safeguarding China＇s peace and security. For the foreseeable future, China＇s national interests in Sino- Russian relations will be the further consolidation of mutual trust between the two countries and increasing Sino-Russian security cooperation so as to maintain peace and security in China ＇s northern border areas. As the two countries are both in a phase of social transformation, they can nevertheless learn from each other throughout this process. China will continue promoting diversity of cultures and the multi-polarization of world. China should also exploit Sino-Russian economic cooperation and try to frame a joint strategy with Russia in order to achieve common development and prosperity. Consequently, the two countries will be able to march forward side by side along the path of economic reforms and structural adjustment.＂ In the 21st Century, China and Russia not only need to maintain a good neighbor relationship and guarantee their joint security, but also build a closer cooperation in their common development.     

China-Japan Security Relations and China's Countermeasures

Security relations are crucial in China-Japan relations.Since the "nationalization" of the Diaoyu Islands by Japan in 2012,mutual trust between China and Japan has been declining,and bilateral security relations have reached a low point.China-Japan security relations are typified by ongoing dispute over the Diaoyu Islands,lack of mutual trust exacerbated by various actions by Japan,and the delay of China-Japan security dialogues.The evolution of China-Japan security relations derived from the Diaoyu Islands dispute is clearly beyond the scope of the dispute itself,with deep-rooted internal and external factors.In the near future,China-Japan security relations will face more challenges than opportunities.China should take measures,including enhancing mutual trust in politics and security between the two countries,to impose necessary pressure on Japan to change course,to win over neighboring countries so as to avoid pretext for Japan's intervention in regional issues,and to strengthen interpersonal communication and understanding between people of the two countries in order to stabilize security relations.     

A Study of China’s National Security System

In order to address the increasingly complicated and volatile security situation at home and abroad, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has put forward clear strategic requirements “to improve the national security system” and taken as its general goal “to institute a centralized, unifi ed, effi cient and authoritative national security system,” which gives full expression to the important position of a national security system in the work of national security. China’s national security system refers to the sum total of the specifi c institutions and codes of conduct for the administration of national security and is aimed at providing institutional support to ensure that China is a secure state and has the capacity to remain so. The division of functions of national security, the administration system of state security organs, the management system of human resources for national security, the power-responsibility mechanism and legal guarantees are the essential elements that constitute China’s national security system. We can clearly understand the characteristics of China’s national security system in different periods and trace its development by studying its history. Besides, we must be fully aware that such problems as insufficient research into the national security system, unclear division of the functions of national security, lack of strength in the building of state security organs, and a lag in the construction of the legal system concerning national security, inhibit the full functionality of China’s national security system. If these problems are not solved in a timely manner, China will have diffi culty resolving the various challenges to its national security. Therefore, the most effective ways to improve China’s national security system are: to defi ne in a scientifi c and rational style the functions of China’s national security at the present stage, give full rein to the powers of the National Security Committee of the CPC Central Committee; and forge a high-quality national security force.     

Peace at a Price: Strategic Studies of Current International Security and War Issues

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.     

“朝贡”与“条约”之间

本文根据暹罗方面的史料,围绕两国间有关"朝贡"与"条约"的交涉,重新探讨19世纪中期至20世纪初期中国与暹罗的关系。     

A "Superpower" instead of "Unipolarity"

The power position and influence of a country depend on its comprehensive national power based on economics. While addressing to the press in Kansas on July 6, 1971, President Nixon noted: "Comparing to our overwhelming position at the end of World War II, the United States is now facing immense challenges that we have never expected before. " He added, "In terms of economics, the United States is no longer a dominant power or an overwhelming global power. At present, there exist not only two superpowers. In consideration of eco-     

俄罗斯文化中的“和”、“同”、“一”思想

东西方文化存在“异”的一面,也存在“同”的一面,即“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。很多俄语词的词义本身就表现出“和”、“同”、“一”的思想,汉语也是这样。从中可以看出俄罗斯民族和中华民族追求的价值取向都离不开“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。     

“发现汉语”及其“天下精神”

19世纪末期,以西方国家为中心和参照的现代化进程的铺展和中国国家制度的疾速衰竭,使汉语在世界语言的中心地位也发生了颠覆式的位移,逐渐滑落到边缘地位,"汉字文化圈"也呈现出破裂的态势。21世纪,中国在政治、经济、文化各方面的现代化实践及其重大转型,为汉语的复兴和精神重建提供了一种可能性。在这种全新的时代语境和历史背景下,将重新"发现汉语"及其"天下精神"作为一种新的文化命题,这意味着以西方文化为轴心的单向度的世界文化秩序,面临着巨大的危机。以汉语复兴为切入点,中国文化将成为解构文化帝国主义的重要力量,并提供了一种可能性。同时,在重新"发现汉语"的过程中,我们应该在吸收其他语言文化资源的同时,坚持汉语及其文化形态的输出立场,摒弃中西文化之间的二元对立思维模态,建构一种语言的"天下精神",从而使汉语在文化全球化中发出中国的声音。     

试论生态旅游“大众化”与大众旅游“生态化”

自20世纪90年代以来，生态旅游受到世界各国的青睐，已俨然成为发展旅游业的制胜法宝。但现实中，生态旅游发展遭遇的诸多问题使人们开始醒悟：生态旅游本身也有不可持续性的成分，通过生态旅游“大众化”维持旅游业可持续发展似乎越发偏离发展生态旅游的初衷；同时，大众旅游长期以来蒙受“不可持续”不白之冤。人们需要重新认识大众旅游——其可持续性成分与生俱来。     

“1666”

对女人服饰最恶毒的评价莫过于"老羊装嫩",而这样的规则对男人却一点儿都不适用.这句话的意思是说女人已经过了最佳年龄段却还穿着为妙龄少女设计的服饰在四处招摇,(而且我们大胆假设,这些女人们一边走还一边发出咩咩的叫声),成了一道让人难堪的景观.     

"New Wars" and Rumors of "New Wars"

Recently, there has been a growing tendency to suggest "new" classes of wars that are presumably different from all wars we have known and studied. In this article, we discuss the extent to which the landscape of armed conflict has changed so dramatically that it has necessitated a revision of the prevalent typology of war, a reconsideration of the correlates of war, and a reconceptualization of the theoretical assumptions regarding the etiology of war. While it is clear that patterns of warfare shift across time and space, it is not clear that war itself has changed "fundamentally" and has become inexplicable in light of theoretical arguments in world politics as many "new war" theorists suggest. Our analysis demonstrates that many of the "new wars" are simply amalgamations of various interstate, extrastate, and intrastate wars-i.e., the "old wars"-that have been lumped into a single category. The result is a hodgepodge of armed conflicts whose different correlates derive from their diverse morphologies rather than their novelty as wars unlike any we have experienced previously.     

"失败国家论"和"新帝国主义论"--新世纪的霸权理论

"失败国家论"认为"失败国家"没有在国际社会生存的权利,"新帝国主义论"主张对"失败国家"发动先发制人的军事打击."两论"是新世纪特别是9·11事件之后美英等国提出的新干预理论,"两论"的实质是要美国借当前国际反恐之机依靠武力建立新世纪霸权.在国际社会求和平、求发展的时代,"两论"势必遭到国际社会的强烈谴责和反对,"两论"也不会有好的前景.     

"大中东计划"背后的"石油美元"

自20世纪70年代初起,美国护持霸权的经济机制是"石油美元".然而冷战结束后,欧盟一体化进程加快,欧洲统一货币欧元于1999年诞生,并在欧盟多数国家启动,从而对美元的地位构成挑战.又由于欧盟与石油富集的中东国家有密切的经济、政治关系,中东反美国家,如伊拉克在欧元启动后不久就要求其石油买家以欧元作为偿付货币.因此,"石油美元"面临现实威胁.为消除这一威胁,美国拟采取军事手段,而九一一事件为美国采取军事行动提供了绝好的机会,反恐和推进民主是美国采取军事行动的借口,于是"大中东计划"得以推出.它在本质上是美国全面控制中东地区、以保护"石油美元"、维护霸权的计划.     

"9.11"事件与"文明冲突"的认识误区

要理解"9.11"事件与文明中突论的关系,首先要澄清对文明中突论的认识误区.笔者认为,亨廷顿正是通过搭建文明和国家、价值和利益之间的桥梁,并在反理性选择理论和保守现实主义所界定的学术思想的连续性的基础上,提出了文明冲突论.