转轨经济中自然垄断产业的私有化:俄罗斯案例分析

转轨国家在向市场经济过渡的进程中普遍实行了某种程度的私有化。与一般竞争性行业相比 ,自然垄断产业的私有化更具复杂性。本文以俄罗斯为例 ,应用私有化理论具体分析了转轨经济中自然垄断产业私有化的背景、动因、过程和绩效 ,指出制度基础设施对于私有化政策成功与否的重要性。     

泰国的工业发展战略

在东南亚地区,泰国虽然是唯一没有沦为西方殖民地的国家,但却不能说它的社会经济结构就没有带上殖民地经济结构的特征。直到十九世纪中叶为止,泰国仍然是一个自给自足的封建社会,1855年英国以武力强迫暹罗(即泰国)同英国签订暹英条约(又称鲍林条约),遏罗同意英国在暹罗各港口进行自由贸易,并规定对英国的进口商品只能征课3%的进口税。接着,美国、法国、德国、日本和沙皇俄国也相继强迫暹罗签订     

蒲甘时期的缅甸宗教研究三题

蒲甘王朝是缅甸历史上第一个统一的封建国家。蒲甘时期宗教的发展,不仅确定了缅甸封建社会宗教发展的基本面目,而且也很大程度上确定了缅甸封建社会文化、艺术和教育发展的方向和内容。在这个意义上,我们可以说不了解蒲甘时期缅甸宗教的发展及其特点,就难以认识缅甸封建社会的宗教和文化,甚至难以认识缅甸封建社会的基本面貌。蒲甘时期的缅甸宗教研究,是个很大的课题。本文仅从三个方面,作一些初步的探讨。     

泰国出口工业的发展

一、世袭制度国家的理论和泰国经济从历史学和政治学等角度看,泰国是一个典型的世袭制度国家。这个理论认为,在泰国政府内部,经济和政治之间并没有明确的分界线,以王室为中心的当权者和世袭制度的官僚为了保持和增加其财产,一心一意地只想把各种专利权出卖给外国人和其他人。当权者和官僚由于可以通过这种途径增加自己的财产,因此他们也就不怎么关心所谓经济发展了(请参看雅各比:《非发达地区的现代化:亚洲地区的典型研究,泰国》,     

浅议沙特阿拉伯王国政治制度

本文从国体、政体两方面对沙特阿拉伯政治制度进行了分析。从国体看 ,随着沙特王国石油工业的不断发展和油田、土地国有化 ,在经济基础上 ,王国已进入资本主义阶段 ,国内主要矛盾是下层民众与王室所代表的朝野资产阶级间的矛盾 ,但已资产阶级化的王室封建色彩依然浓重。从政体看 ,自王国第二任君主始 ,皆非政出一人 ,而在不同程度上受王室长老委员会、大臣会议、欧莱玛及后来的协商会议的制约。所以 ,王国已不是“君主专制”或“绝对君主制”。此外 ,沙特王室始终坚持政教合一 ,即君主集政权与教权于一身 ,但集权者是世俗君主 ,而非神职人员 ,故沙特君主制不宜说是“伊斯兰君主制”。综上 ,沙特阿拉伯政治制度可界定为准资产阶级政教合一有限君主制。     

福建移民与中华文化在泰国的传播

中泰之间的交往源远流长。早在汉武帝时,中国海船就经过泰国境内的邑卢没(华富里)、谌离国(佛统),航往印度的黄支国(康契普拉)1。在素可泰王国建立(1238年)之前,泰国境内有许多小国,各自为政,但都与中国有外交、经贸关系,如盘盘、罗斛、堕罗钵底等等。宋元时代,闽粤海商已频繁到泰国贸易,元代的泉州舶商“其所涉异国……若婆、罗斛,……”2因贸易原因滞留或移居泰国的东南沿海人也随之增多。明朝前期,因与暹罗阿瑜陀耶王朝正式建交,由暹罗王室垄断的对中国的“朝贡贸易”发展迅速,而明后期因月港开禁,中暹私人海上贸易十分繁荣,导致更多的…     

西班牙对美洲殖民地贸易垄断政策述略

重金主义与贸易垄断制的形成十八世纪以前,西班牙对西属美洲殖民地贸易垄断政策的指导思想是重金主义。这种指导思想认为,“财富即货币”,国家积累的金银等贵金属越多就越富有。研究重商主义的学者霍罗克斯认为:美洲的发现不仅使西班牙成为一个殖民帝国,而且在欧洲需要金银的时候提供了大量的贵金属。这加速了主张贸易平衡的重商主义理论在其他国家的形成。十六、十七世纪正是西欧封建社会瓦解时期,由于商品经济的日益发展和人人口激增,金银货币极为短缺。当时,西班牙竭力垄断从美洲运出的大量金银,于是欧洲其他国家为弥补货币匮乏,就     

越南李朝陈朝的货币经济

越南李、陈朝继丁黎草创自主封建国家之统，自1010年始相因400余年，巩固了封建政权，确立和发展了封建官僚、科举、军事、法律、土地等各种制度，从而使社会经济有了较大进步，越南封建社会货币经济随之发展起来。一、李陈时期的货币制度从古代中越史籍的有关记载来看，李陈时期的金银作为贵重物和财富的象征得到珍视，主要发挥储藏手段的职能，较少进入流通领域；流通中钱帛兼行，而以铜钱为主，所用铜钱又以中国唐宋钱居多。有人专门对广西边境收集的越南古钱，包括在越南流通的中国钱币和越南本国铸币进行了研究，发现在越南34个出土地…     

清初的中暹日三角贸易

为了了解中暹贸易的规模,我们必须考虑到,除了暹罗和中国之间直接的双边贸易之外,自那莱王朝至十八世纪的头十年里,还进行暹罗、中国和日本的三方贸易。不仅配备了中国人的暹罗船只对日本进行贸易(与中国贸易的船只的情形也是如此),以及在往返日本的途中停靠于中国港口,而且中国船只也经常到暹罗购买货物,以进行其对长崎的贸易。这种三角贸易对于中暹贸易尚处于初始阶段时(在清代)扩大暹罗的对外贸易和中国     

华侨与暹罗曼谷王朝时期的包税制度

本文以暹罗曼谷王朝时期的包税制度为研究对象，分析华侨在包税制度的缘起、发展和走向衰弱的过程中扮演的重要角色，并指出，华侨经济始终是暹罗经济不可缺少的组成部分。     

东北亚安全秩序的困境与对策研究

东北亚地区战略地位重要,是中国的国家安全和现代化建设的战略依托地区。冷战结束后,东北亚安全机制的缺失使东北亚安全秩序问题始终未能解决。不仅朝鲜半岛和台海局势仍重兵对峙,两个热点问题呈持续升温之势,而且在大国关系结构性的矛盾之中,冷战意识仍然存在,东北亚安全秩序的构建陷入困境。要走出东北亚安全秩序的困境,必须构建东北亚地区安全与合作的共识,推动地区各国重新构建东北亚安全与合作的新理念,构建东北亚地区“多极”主导多边安全合作机制。     

《红楼梦》在当代日本——以推理小说《红楼梦的杀人》为中心

2004年，日本的推理作家芦边拓以《红楼梦》为蓝本，创作了推理小说《红楼梦的杀人》，该小说以《红楼梦》原著里的大观园为背景，原著里的主要人物悉数登场，各人物的姓名、性格及人物关系等均沿袭原著，且化用了原著中诸多经典的情节和画面，作为推动小说情节发展的有力支撑。该作一经推出，即荣膺了日本推理文学界的各项大奖，获得了专家和读者的一致好评。并于2006年、2008年在我国台湾、内地相继翻译出版，且还于2010年在内地诞生了一部仿作。拙论探讨的是这部推理小说与《红楼梦》之间的受容、变容关系以及反馈到我国的途径和形式①。     

民族主义与区域主义--论后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构的双重困境

在后冷战时代,东北亚“混合型区域主义”的矛盾性、复杂性和流变性要求人们不要以西方的经验来评估和判定东北亚的区域主义,而在逻辑上和事实上呈现出多重张力的东北亚民族主义又使东北亚的安全现实日益严峻。对后冷战时代的东北亚安全观念建构而言,二者之间的张力构成了现实和理论上的双重困境。这种困境也昭示了后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构所面临的复杂性、紧迫性和脆弱性。突破和超越这种双重困境的关键在于:东北亚各国如何消融国内日益增强的民族主义情绪,东北亚的知识界如何应对西方主导的全球主义意识形态和学术话语霸权的挑战以及东北亚社会如何汲取传统的东亚体系的合理因子,以避免新的帝国观念和帝国体系的出现。     

Gender Relations in a Refugee Camp: A Case of Chechens Seeking Asylum in the Czech Republic

This article aims to give an account of how refugees' familyrelations are constructed in exile. It is based on fieldworkconducted among Chechen asylum seekers living in a refugee campin the Czech Republic in April 2004. It argues that althoughtraditional norms defining women's and men's position in Chechenfamilies have often been transgressed in the actual experiencesof men and women in situations of emergency such as war, flightand life in the camp, they remain relatively unchanged at thelevel of refugees' ideal notions of femininity and masculinity.It also shows that the environment of the refugee camp provides,on the one hand, some opportunities for the increase of women'spower in the family and men's involvement in childcare and householdduties. But on the other hand, the assistance in the camp isbased on an undiversified and gender-blind perception and constructionof refugees as passive objects of aid, and latently sustainsgendered violence.     

Participatory appraisal in the UK urban health sector

Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) and Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) emerged in the context of working with rural communities in developing countries. But the principles of participation and of action-oriented research are equally valid for development work in the urban sector, and in industrialised countries. This article describes the use of participatory appraisal techniques in disadvantaged communities in the UK, in the fields of health and social welfare. Drawing on a case-study of her work, the author looks at the practical, organisational, and political difficulties inherent in bringing together multi-agency professionals and public-sector workers, and members of local communities, and in developing a functional consensus between them.     

“苏联1932—1933年饥荒”问题研究综述

苏联1932—1933年饥荒问题最早由在西方的乌克兰流亡者提出，上世纪80年代以前主要在西方国家进行研究，戈尔巴乔夫改革时期，这个问题在乌克兰被公开提出。苏联解体至今，乌克兰和俄罗斯学界以及政界就因饥荒死亡人数、饥荒发生的原因、斯大林对饥荒应负的责任等问题展开争论，从形式和内容上看，这既是一个学术问题，也是政治问题。     

Civil society and reconciliation in Southern Africa

This article presents some of the key findings of the Southern African Reconciliation Project (SARP). The SARP was a collaborative research project involving five Southern African NGOs in Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. It examined how the concept of reconciliation was understood in political and community contexts in Southern Africa and investigated the ways in which national government policies and civil-society participation in reconciliation initiatives have opened up and/or foreclosed on opportunities for reconciliation, transitional justice, and the promotion of a culture of human rights. The author summarises the historical context of reconciliation in Southern Africa, outlines the reconciliation initiatives in each country, and identifies emerging debates around and principles of reconciliation that have surfaced in the work of civil-society organisations (CSOs) in the region.     

Resuscitating voter interest in Zambia: the Adult Education Association of Zambia's role in national elections

This paper examines the role of the Adult Education Association of Zambia (AEAZ) in the Zambian national elections. Outlined in this paper are workshop topics, challenges encountered, and outcomes of the education campaign by the AEAZ in its crusade to inform voters of their rights and obligations. The six interrelated topics presented at various civic awareness campaigns were leadership qualities; community participation in national development; responsible citizenship; electoral process and the management of elections; the role of a member parliament; and human rights. The primary problem of the AEAZ campaign was language. Although English is preferred in urban areas, most of the residents in the rural areas are illiterate, and the campaign had to be conducted in several local languages, where most of the people were unfamiliar to campaigners. Other challenges affecting the AEAZ outreach efforts were lack of reliable transportation and lack of funds. Despite these challenges, the campaign was successful in encouraging citizens to vote, lobbying, advocacy, and holding political representatives accountable for their actions. This was evident in the 1996 presidential and general elections, in which there was a significant increase in the number of voters who took part in the electoral process. This paper concludes that nongovernmental organizations involved in the sensitization campaigns should coordinate and collaborate in order to enhance their capacity.     

Turkish Nationhood: Civic and Ancestral and Cultural

This article challenges two established views in the literature on Turkish nationalism. First, that Turkish nationhood in the early republican era was civic and ethnic and, second, that, while Turkish nationhood was inclusive and egalitarian in constitutional texts, in the early years of the Turkish Republic and in the case of Turkish citizens of Muslim origin, it became exclusive or discriminatory in citizenship practices once the Republic was consolidated and in the case of non-Muslim Turkish citizens. Contra these two established views, I first argue that Turkish nationhood was not civic and ethnic, but it was actually civic and ancestral and cultural. Secondly, relying on an examination of legal texts produced and citizenship practices pursued in the years between 1918 and 1924, I argue that the Turkish nationhood was exclusive and discriminatory both theoretically and practically, on paper as well as in practice, both at the time of the foundation of the republic and once the regime had become consolidated.     

Mass Mobilization and Elite Exchange: Democratization Episodes in Italy and Spain

At its dawn, democracy was a social movement, but little attention has been given to social movements in recent (mainly American) theorizations of democratization.1 The reason for this seems to be the division of labour in the social sciences as well as the bad press that movements gained between the two world wars and in the cold war years. As a result, most theorists have emphasized the role of elites in transitional cycles and largely ignored the role of social movements. Since the 1960s, advances in social movement theory and research both in Europe and North America allow a fresh look at the role of movements in transitional cycles. In this article, three aspects coming from this tradition ‐ the structure of political opportunity, the relations of elites and citizens, and the problem of organization ‐ are applied to three episodes of democratization: the failed transition to democracy in Italy after the First World War, the successful transition in Spain in the mid‐1970s and the incomplete transition in East‐Central Europe since 1989. The article closes with a brief reflection on the role of learning from past transitions in democratization cycles.