宪法的社会性考察——以市民社会理论为分析路径

市民社会与政治国家二元并立的矛盾发展,构成了西方国家法治的基础和根据。宪法正是市民社会与政治国家不断斗争发展的产物,它使权力和权利都服从于普遍有效的良法规则,从而实现权力制约和权利保障。从市民社会理论角度分析和审视宪法发展的深层历史脉络和渊源,我们发现:宪法主要是社会法或社会根本法。基于对宪法性质社会法的界定,以市民社会的建构驱动中国诸多制度性的宪法保障,明确国家权力行使的根据、范围、界限。     

宪法系列讲座之8 公民权利与义务(一)

公民的基本权利和义务是现行宪法的重要内容,它反映了宪法的性质和基本特点。基本权利的设定和具体内容,关系每一位公民的切身利益,具体表现了宪法作为根本性规范的特点。基本权利的行使与基本义务的履行构成了公民在一个国家中的宪法地位。基本权利对于公民来说,是最重要、最根本的权利,同时,也是社会生活中应当具有的最低限度的权利。它是一种稳定的权利体系。     

“五四宪法”基本权利的国家建构功能

完成社会主义国家建构是支配"五四宪法"的核心目标。在此目标的支配下,"五四宪法"的基本权利规范蕴含明确的政治指向和强制色彩,它不仅具有公民权利的属性,而且要配合政治现实的需要。"五四宪法"将革命建国的目标法律化,基本权利规范相应要服从以国家建构为核心的政治过程,发挥对不同群体的价值规训与统一功能。然而,片面强调革命建国的政治目标,则使宪法实践出现畸形。当我们走出革命的国家观,国家正当性的依据就要从革命胜利这一历史事实转化成宪法成立这一法律行为。为此要倡导基本权利的主观权利功能,构建个人与国家受宪法和法律支配的新型秩序。     

顺应时势变迁更新人大制度理念

应逐步改变对人大制度的简单化、概念化理解,消除1978年宪法中人大对司法进行超限度监控的精神遗迹。人大至上观念是宪法规定的国家机构组织体制的正确反映,但不可以离开特定层级无条件强调人大宪法地位的至上性。法学工作者有责任促进人大制度理念从与计划经济相适应向与市场经济相适应的方向的转变。市场经济社会应确立权利与权力平衡观,坚持国家行政机关、审判机关和检察机关宪法地位平等观,确信逐步实现政治法律资源配置的市场化,是国家和社会持续发展和长治久安的需要。实施宪法与评论宪法或讨论宪法的应然状况是两种性质不同的问题。推进包括司法体制改革在内的政治体制改革首要的要求是解放思想,实现人大制度理念更新。     

论文化权利的宪法保护

公民的文化权利与公民所享有的政治、经济和社会权利一样,都是公民作为国家和社会主人翁所必须享有的法律利益。我国是社会主义国家,保护公民权利是社会主义事业一贯的宗旨。从宪法角度来保障公民的文化权利,最主要的是应当加强相关的制度建设。应当在宪法文本中明确文化权利的基本权利宪法地位,明确国家和政府在保障文化权利方面应当承担的职责或义务,加强对文化权利的平等性的保护以及应当制定文化基本法律,来保障文化权利的实现真正做到有法可依。     

宪法概念新解

经济基础是人类社会得以发展的最基础要素,它从根本上决定着人类社会的思想文化、政治制度及其它方面。作为上层建筑的宪法也必定是由经济基础决定,在各个政治社会中不同阶级和阶层的人的利益关系也各不相同,因此不同的历史时期、不同的国家宪法的表现形式也各不相同,但宪法本质却都是一样,即调整由经济基础决定的人的根本的利益关系。由此宪法规定人的权利和自由以及国家政制只是手段而非目的。     

美国企业法人在宪法上的权利考察

美国宪法实施以后，法人的宪法地位问题很快就提到了联邦最高法院。进入二十世纪以后，美国法人的宪法权利进一步扩展，法人又拥有了免于双重危险、陪审团审判、政治言论自由等一系列权利。在美国之外，法人的宪法权利也有不同程度的发展。德国在宪法文本中直接规定了法人的宪法权利，日本宪法文本虽无关于法人的明文规定，但在理论和实践中法人都享有一定的宪法权利。法人的宪法权利一直伴随着争议，尤其是法人的政治言论自由更是引发了热烈的争论。赋予法人宪法权利体现了宪法适用的价值，是法人对抗法律侵权的手段，客观上促进了经济发展，但是法人对政治活动的参与也可能引发金钱政治的危险。     

社会权司法救济之宪政分析

社会权是与自由权同等重要的宪法权利。透视各国宪政实践可以清晰地观察到,社会权宪法化及其救济司法化的趋势业已形成,并以三种方式呈现巨大的发展潜力。一是宪法明确规定社会权,并视之为主观权利予以直接司法救济;二是宪法没有明确规定社会权,但确立了司法审查,通过适用正当程序和平等保护原则予以间接司法救济;三是宪法规定社会权作为国家政策指导原则,且视之为客观权利予以间接司法救济。很明显,社会权具有一定范围和程度的可诉性。     

中国宪法的集体主义品格

中国宪法面临着多元化的文化土壤,但占主导地位的是以具有集体主义倾向的传统文化和以集体主义为原则的社会主义文化。文化土壤的集体主义价值取向决定了中国宪法区别于西方自由主义文化背景下的个体主义宪法。中国宪法的集体主义品格首先体现在国家目标方面,中国宪法所确立的国家目标是以国家富强、民族复兴为核心的集体主义色彩浓厚的“中国梦”;其次体现在权利观念上,中国宪法在权利来源、权利范围和权利位阶上均持集体优位的价值立场;最后体现在权力结构上,中国宪法对权力的配置也基本遵循“局部服从整体、小集体服从大集体”的集体主义价值取向。     

阐释一个真实的中国宪法世界——以“宪法常识”为核心

阐释一个真实的中国宪法世界,不仅具有知识累积的意义,而且具有改进中国宪法制度的工具性价值。依托中国宪法常识,可以认为中国宪法的真实性在于：在宪法性质上乃为去政治化的政治法;在宪法权力结构上乃为以政治主权为主导的二元权力架构;在宪法权利的保障与实现方式上乃为以阶层宪法权利为核心、以政治主权为主导的政治化保障与实现方式;在宪法监督制度上乃为政治主权者基于使命——规律型代表而存在的垄断性与政治化的宪法监督体制。     

南非宪法法院的"合理性审查标准"介评

"合理性审查标准"是南非宪法法院对政府积极义务进行审查的主要标准,是在宪法法院的判例中形成并逐渐发展起来的。"合理性审查标准"的采用,使宪法法院可以在不侵入立法和行政功能、不与政治部门发生直接冲突的情况下,实现对社会权一定程度的保护。但是,宪法法院对"合理性"的过分关注也制约了法院对政府积极义务审查的范围和程度,对社会权的保护产生了一些不利影响。     

论通过宪法诉讼的权力制约路径

中国传统的权力制约机制因其不具有一种常规性的政治纠错功能而存在天然缺陷,宪法诉讼从表面上看虽然身处"反民主之困境",但基于二元民主理论、基本人权的价值取向及其所具有的权力动态平衡功能,是一条具有政治正当性的权力制约路径.     

The influence of the rulings of the Constitutional Court on the development of health law in Lithuania

This article highlights some recent developments in the constitutional doctrine of the right to health care in Lithuania, and more in particular the impact of the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania on the development of health law. The right to health care, enshrined in the Constitution, is both an obligation of the state and an individual right. The Constitutional Court has developed a doctrine of the right to health care, as well a doctrine of certain other constitutional social rights, which is based on the understanding of the close interrelation between the different constitutional rights, the principle of indivisibility and equal importance of these rights, and the presumption of justiciability of social rights. The analysis is based on the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. Two cases on the disputes of the legal regulation concerning the pharmaceutical activities are presented in more detail.     

论表达自由

作为宪法自由权的表达自由指公民享有的受法律规定、认可和保障的 ,使用各种媒介手段与方式公开发表、传递自己的意见、主张、观点、情感等内容而不受任何他人或组织干涉、限制或侵犯的权利。主要包括 :言论、新闻出版自由、艺术表现自由和集会自由。表达自由具有广义的政治自由权利属性 ,但不是政治自由权利的核心 ;是属于外在的精神自由 ,具有广义的精神自由属性 ;表达自由不属于思想自由 ,而是思想自由的外在表现 ,它确证着人们思想自由的实现程度     

论《世界人权宣言》的思想基础和权利体系

《世界人权宣言》以自由和平等为其思想基础,构建了世界各国和人民努力实现的共同标准。它所设定的权利体系不仅包括公民权利和政治权利,而且还涉及到经济、社会和文化权利,为国际社会提供了一份详尽的人权保护清单,成为国际人权法的基本法律文书。     

论我国学术自由的宪法基础

《中华人民共和国宪法》第47条规定的科学研究自由,目前被学者们诠释为文化权利或者文化权利的组成部分,而文化权利这一范畴不仅被我国宪法学者指称宪法第47条规定的自由,还被人权法学者用来解读国际人权法中的有关权利,并且具有内涵模糊、外延不确定、宪法规定与国际人权法的规定不一致的特点,弱化了科学研究自由的独立价值和功能。笔者认为,我国宪法中规定的科学研究自由,在外国宪法中多规定为学术自由或学问自由,因此可以吸收和移植域外宪法学理论关于学术自由的诠释资源,来丰富我国科学研究自由的权利内涵。遵循宪法解释学的路径,运用基本权利的客观价值秩序理论,可以架起科学研究自由通往我国高等教育制度的桥梁,以科学研究自由为宪法基石构筑我国现代大学法制,从根本上破解我国高等教育"行政化"的顽疾。     

Human Dignity and Socio-Economic Rights

The South African Constitution numbers among a very few constitutions around the world which include justiciable socio-economic rights. One of the controversies surrounding judicial enforcement of such rights is the extent to which it is appropriate for courts to engage in policy choices in relation to the use of state resources in light of the doctrine of the separation of powers. The South African Constitutional Court has responded by developing an approach to adjudication of socio-economic rights in which the role of the court is to determine the reasonableness or otherwise of measures taken by the legislature and executive to implement such rights. However, the South African Constitution is also notable for its identification of human dignity as an underlying value and the explicit duty placed on the courts to interpret the rights protected under the Bill of Rights in conformity with this value. This article scrutinises the socio-economic rights jurisprudence of the South African Constitutional court in light of the Constitutional commitment to human dignity. It questions whether reasonableness review in socio-economic cases successfully balances human dignity with the appropriate degree of deference to the legislature and executive, in compliance with the doctrine of the separation of powers.     

论宪政的价值理念

宪政不仅是一个静态的制度体系,它还包含着动态的政治实践,以及超越于制度体系及政治实践之外的多元价值内涵。正义既是宪政价值的基础,又是完政价值的准则。并非所有对正义的追求都可以纳入宪政的价值体系,只有那些隐含权利内容的追求,才能转化为宪政的价值理念。     

Obligation to medical treatment as a possibility of medical and social supervision (author's transl)]

In lectures of forensic medicine and in jurisdiction the patient's decision to release his secret records of medical examinations and treatment is considered to be an intangible right. Actually this privilege is only existing for the rich patient who can afford it to resign economic help in daily life and in case of illness, disablement and of incapability of earning his living. The population of our social state is largely subjected to obligations to disclose, tolerate and cooperate. In Civil Right, Social Right and in Labour Law theoretically this cannot be enforced, but it is forced in fact by refusing social and insurance accomplishment. If a young person refuses medical tests, a veto of employment will result. An employee will not get a position in an industrial firm where a medical department had to be established according to the law, or in the public service, if he refuses medical tests. In the attempt to extend the social insurance system to the whole population and to extent medical service in industry to all employees within certain time, there is no longer space for avoiding the social pressure for medical good conduct. Wanting to live a civil life one has to obey those directions. The postulation of lecturers and of High Courts concerning the patients decision on medical examination and treatment has only explanatory value and does not consider medical insurance and labour aspects. Further legal restrictions of this fundamental rights exist in Criminal Law.     

Regeneration of Civil Society in Hungary: The Recodification of the Right of Assembly and Association

Amid the stormy political events of 1988-89, Hungary took a turn toward becoming a constitutional state and moved in the direction of re-establishing the rule of law and having a real constitution.
The process of establishing the rule of law began with the recodification, adopted in January 1989, of the right of assembly and association. This right must be understood in the context of the extremely fast paced regeneration of civil society. Analogous to what Habermas wrote about the emergence of civil publicity in Europe, at first it was nothing more than non-political gatherings and associations, where one would spend one's leisure time. Later on, however - similarly to the eighteenth century transformation of political publicity - there was an increasing need for political meetings and demonstrations as well as for establishing trade and directly political unions.
This development, of course, made it necessary to conceive of the right of assembly and association in a radically new manner. A conception not limiting these rights to politically neutral programs, festival marches, or to the possibility of setting up associations (e.g., for stamp collecting), but including the freedom to conduct antigovernment demonstrations, to establish parties, and to create coalitions.