共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
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在中国,无论是塞北还是江南,只要有古镇老村,有市井人家,就会有小巷。一条石子路,蜿蜒曲折,两边是白色的粉墙,随着地势任意变化,或抬高,或降低,或左曲,或右弯。墙头如屏风,时时露出一枝桃花,或者是半壁藤萝,让人面对这样的美景,总会徘徊一阵,惊叹一阵,陶醉一阵。心里也会在一刹那间感到无限空灵、洁净,仿佛水洗过一样,纤尘不染。 相似文献
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半窗灵鼠斋 《今日中国(中文版)》2013,(5):74-74
崇明蟹笔者的家乡崇明岛,虽然目前归在上海的属下,其实老早真是个穷地方。穷地方现在都冠好听的名头,例如桃花源,好生态,空气清新,人物淳朴,无污染,有机食材,农家至乐,反正种种样式,多了去了,不过只要看到这种评价,笔者第一个想到的字,就是穷。几年前通了桥以后,这个地方不再偏僻,很快就要不穷了,但是看着此地一天天地把农田抹平,皖牌卡车开来开去造楼房,心里面有说不出的味道。趁楼房还没有造得过 相似文献
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张荣文 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2003,(4):20-22
"黑哨"行为不仅备受足球运动领域有关人士的关注,而且,在法学界亦为百家争鸣.为数不少的学者认为,黑哨行为已构成受贿罪或公司、企业人员受贿罪.对于黑哨行为,本文作者认为不能以犯罪论处.对于前者(受贿罪),作者从黑哨裁判员的独特身份及明确中国足协的性质,黑哨裁判员与中国足协之间的关系以及足球裁判员受足协之托裁决比赛的行为等角度出发,否定了黑哨裁判员的受贿罪的主体资格.而对于后者(公司、企业人员受贿罪)作者则认为足球裁判员是履行其与中国足协所签订的合同关系.因而不符合犯罪构成的主体要件. 相似文献
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立法后评估是衡量或检验一部立法质量高低的基本制度.因立法后评估具有重要的制度功能和意义,其可操作性的理论设计较为详备,以及对一些前沿性理论和制度的容纳,使得该制度“看上去很美”.然而,可靠性与有效性是立法后评估走向“实际很有效”必须面对的两个问题.尽管汪全胜教授等所著《立法后评估研究》对立法后评估的基础理论及如何操作进行系统论述,但没有从理论上有力解答评估的可靠性与有效性问题,尤其是如何保证评估信息的可靠与评估回应的有效.立法后评估实践中出现的一些不良现象也表明我们对可靠性与有效性的担忧是有道理的.对此,可通过重构评估主体模式以及改进评估方法和技术等方式,来增进立法后评估的可靠性与有效性. 相似文献
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中美经济最近出现的回暖意味着世界经济开始步入“后危机时代”。该文提出了发达国家和新兴市场国家未来所面临的挑战和需采取的应对措施。在此基础上,揭示了中国经济在转变经济增长模式过程中所面临的考验,同时,从供需两方面提出了切实可行的政策建议。 相似文献
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《福建警察学院学报》2013,(5):17-20
拓展民警职业发展空间是新形势下公安机关激发基层活力的重点工作,其难点在于解决民警的政治待遇。福建省三明市公安机关紧紧抓住全省综合警务改革契机,积极争取民警科级职数配备,取得机关民警下沉基层、民警政治待遇得到解决、民警能力素质和工作积极性得到提升和激发的良好局面,必须持续争取职数、科学使用职数、精心运作职数,不断拓展民警职业发展空间。 相似文献
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James T. H. Tang 《当代中国》1999,8(21):275-295
This is an attempt to evaluate the implications of Hong Kong's political transition to post‐colonial rule for economic governance in the SAR beyond the ‘Beijing versus Hong Kong’ perspective. The article examines the changing government‐business dynamics in Hong Kong after the reversion by focusing on three inter‐related dimensions: economic ideology; institutional and policy framework; and the new political environment in post‐colonial Hong Kong. By challenging the assertion that Hong Kong is returning to the pre‐Patten colonial order under Chinese management, it argues that economic governance in Hong Kong has always been more complex than has been characterized in the literature. A conceptual framework incorporating the dynamic interplay of domestic and international factors is needed to comprehend the changing nature of government‐business relationships in the SAR. 相似文献
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Yixin Chen 《当代中国》1999,8(21):219-239
This paper examines why the socioeconomic life of China's Red Guards generation has been difficult in both Mao's time and in the post‐Mao reform era. It shows that Mao's Cultural Revolution destroyed the normalcy of society and prevented this generation from securing the life they expected. When reform moved China toward a market economy, their past misfortunes produced their present disadvantages. Their limited education disqualified them from the opportunities of employment and career promotion; their protracted sent‐down to the countryside postponed their marriage and normal social life; and their longtime economic hardships debilitated their market competitiveness. Mao's revolution made them ill‐prepared for the coming economic liberty, yet the post‐Mao reform, instead of compensating them for their distress, left them behind when it pursued market efficiency. 相似文献
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陈礼正 《南京政治学院学报》2001,17(2):92-95
适应新世纪对军事人才的要求 ,应逐步建立和完善军事人才成长的动力激励机制、竞争择优机制、相关干部的交流轮岗机制、领导干部的能上能下机制等 ,以保证高素质新型军事人才队伍建设的需要 相似文献
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Edward Friedman 《当代中国》1997,6(14):5-32
In contrast to the belief that the 1995–1996 Taiwan Straits crisis was caused by the visit of the President of Taiwan to Cornell University, in fact, the post‐Mao ruling groups in Beijing made forcing early reunification with mainland China on Taiwan a top priority soon after assuming power in 1978. This new focus on Taiwan's reunification reflects a policy switch. It is not a continuation of Mao era policies. The switch is basic. It involves a profound change in the content of Chinese nationalism from Mao era nationalism, which is seen by its critics in China as insufficiently promoting the national interests of the Chinese people. The new, post‐Mao nationalism in China not only challenges Taiwan's autonomy, it also could endanger peace in the Pacific‐Asia region. Consequently, it is important to rethink the political dynamics at work in China and in the region if the parties involved hope to avoid a larger war. 相似文献