马克思主义妇女理论中国化的百年流变探究

马克思主义妇女理论中国化就是将马克思主义的妇女理论与中国发展和中国妇女具体实际相结合的过程。马克思主义妇女理论中国化可使其更加适合中国妇女发展的国情,契合中国妇女解放的需要,解决我国妇女发展过程中面临的问题。伴随马克思主义中国化而推进的马克思主义妇女理论中国化已有百年历史,在此进程中,随着国情的变化,妇女理论的主题也发生着深刻的变化。立足以实践为基础的马克思主义辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义视角,回答马克思主义妇女理论中国化从何而来、何以可能、向何而去的理论和现实问题,就需要从党的领导、人的全面发展、妇女理论中国化进程中的媒介、妇女理论中国化进程中的历史分期和妇女理论中国化的最新成果等五个维度,探究马克思主义妇女理论中国化的百年流变。     

什么样的“闹大”成功了?--基于40个案例的定性比较分析

社会中层出不穷的"闹大"是公共治理状况的一面"镜子",也是转型时期政策议程建构的重要路径。本文采用清晰集定性比较分析(csQCA),对2003-2019年发生的40个"闹大"案例进行比较研究。研究结果表明,上级(层)政府支持是"闹大"成功的必要条件。推动"闹大"成功的充分条件组合共有八种,可具体归纳为制度框架使用模式、集体施压模式、专家引导模式和暴力强推模式等四种解释模型。公民"闹大"成功是多个条件组合的结果,在核心条件发挥基础作用的前提下,适当的辅助条件更容易触发政策议程,推动问题解决。文章为公民"闹大"的行动逻辑提供了新的因果解释机制,也为理解形形色色的"闹大"现象提供了新的理论工具。     

Analysis of off-farm work decisions among smallholder farm households in Burkina Faso

This article investigates off-farm work decisions by smallholder farm households. Using data on 1,101 households from Burkina Faso, it demonstrates that in addition to the usual household socio-demographic characteristics, remittances, access to information and beneficiary of specific training affect off-farm work decisions, as well as rainfall factors and idiosyncratic health shocks. Community characteristics such as accessibility and number of inhabitants are also key factors. While suggesting that off-farm work is less likely to be undertaken for accumulation purposes, these results have important policy implications. In particular, policy measures should consider each segment as a separate entity.     

中国特色社会主义法治理论:思想根基、主要特性与学科定位

中国特色社会主义法治理论作为中国特色社会主义法治体系的理论化表达,作为一种新型的理论形态,可以从三个方面来认知。首先,从思想源流来看,马克思主义法律思想是中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基。其次,从理论个性来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论的主要特性包括中国性、政治性与学术性。从学科定位来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论既是法学学科体系中的一个组成部分,同时也代表了法治理论谱系中的一种最新形态。把握中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基、主要特性与学科定位,既是创新和发展中国特色社会主义法治理论的前提,也是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义法治体系的前提。     

赫哲族伊玛堪代表性传承人生命历程研究——以尤文凤为个案

伊玛堪是赫哲族世代相传的民间说唱艺术形式,2011年被列入联合国教科等“急需保护的非物质文化遗产名录”。运用生命历程理论,结合观察和深度访谈法,选择省级赫哲族伊玛堪代表性传承人尤文凤为个案,考察其学习、传承伊玛堪的具体过程,提出伊玛堪的传承与保护既需要作为个体生命的代表性传承人发挥主观能动性,也需要政府、市场、专家学者、媒体等多种社会力量与其协同合作。     

What do forensic analysts consider relevant to their decision making?

In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making.     

Peace Pedagogy and Interpretative Frameworks of Distrust: State–Society Relations in the Colombian Peace Process

The Havana Peace Accords of 2016 sought to end five decades of internal conflict in Colombia. As well as disarming the FARC, they promise to bring state institutions to abandoned regions and enable citizen participation. However, there is an obstacle to this which has consistently been overlooked by Juan Manuel Santos' government: a chronic distrust in the state dating back to colonialism. This article draws on ethnographic research with the Colombian government's ‘peace pedagogy’ team, tasked innovatively with educating citizens about the Havana Accords and incorporating them in the co-production of peace. It shows that citizens' learning about state policies, and reception of state efforts to shape that learning, are filtered through pre-existing perceptions of the state: in Colombia, interpretative frameworks of distrust. This ethnography illuminates state–society relations in the Colombian peace process, offering implications for ongoing implementation of the Accords, and posing questions for other countries in transition, arguing that historically-constituted perceptions of the state should be taken into account when communicating government policies to society.     

跨境民族因素对阿巴边境地区毒品问题的影响

随着1979年苏联入侵阿富汗和阿富汗抗苏战争的开展,阿富汗和巴基斯坦边境地区的罂粟种植面积迅速扩大,毒品产量迅速增加,成为世界毒品市场的重要来源地。阿巴边境地区的普什图人和俾路支人等跨境民族在"金新月"地带的罂粟种植和毒品生产中扮演着重要的角色。20世纪80年代后,阿富汗生产的鸦片主要来源于阿巴边境的普什图人村庄,巴基斯坦的罂粟种植也主要集中在以普什图人为主的西北边境省和联邦直辖部落地区。多年以来,尽管阿富汗和巴基斯坦政府在阿巴边境地区不断采取禁毒措施,发展替代种植,但是均未能清除该地区的罂粟种植和毒品生产。阿巴边境的普什图人、俾路支人等民族长期种植罂粟并参与毒品走私的原因包括历史、政治和经济等因素。从历史上看,阿巴边境的普什图人有种植罂粟的传统,出售鸦片是他们重要的经济来源之一。从政治上看,阿富汗和巴基斯坦两国政府不能对边境地区进行有效的管理和控制,从而为边境地区的普什图人和俾路支人种植罂粟和从事毒品走私提供了条件。此外,一些政党为了拉选票而支持当地人们种植罂粟也是重要的政治原因。从经济上看,种植罂粟的收入要高于种植小麦的收入,贩卖毒品的利润较高是吸引阿巴边境的普什图人、俾路支人等民族种植罂粟和从事毒品走私的重要原因。     

The Role of Brand Orientation in Developing a Learning Culture and Achieving Performance Goals in the Third Sector Organizations

ABSTRACT

This study is first in nature to find the empirical evidence of relationship between brand orientation (BRO), learning orientation (LO), and its impact on Performance (PERF) of third sector organizations (TSOs) in Pakistan. A structured questionnaire was filled through non-probability snowball sampling method from more than 300 senior managers working in different cities of Pakistan. The structural equation model was used for the mediation by running smart partial least squares software. The results prove that organizations with strong BRO philosophy not only help to develop strong LO culture but also help in achieving organizational performance goals. The study also discussed practical implications, limitations, and areas of future directions.     

共同富裕目标下相对贫困治理的逻辑与机制

我国贫困问题的主要形态已从绝对贫困转向相对贫困，顺应相对贫困治理的需求，有必要系统构建贫困治理的逻辑与机制。在分析相对贫困的概念、特征和治理需求的基础上，文章从系统观念出发，提炼并阐释了以党领导为核心，以自治、法治、共治和技治为手段的“1+4”相对贫困治理逻辑。通过分析浙江安吉“生态扶贫”和山西“吕梁山护工”治理实践表明，由于地方推动共同富裕的基础条件具有差异性，治理的侧重点会有不同——安吉重视绿色发展理念和共同富裕示范机制建设，吕梁重视护工就业培训和脱贫增收机制构建，但其治理逻辑存在共识，能有效地将中国特色社会主义的制度优势和党的领导优势转化为地方治理效能。基于此，文章在“1+4”相对贫困治理逻辑基础上结合地方经验，从组织机制、内在动力机制、法律机制、协同共治机制、监测机制、示范引领机制六个方面提出贫困治理长效机制的基本框架，尝试为全国推动共同富裕提供理论指引。